Dear Goanetters,
 
That Michelle danced to a Konkani number: was it reported anywhere in Goan 
media? The Economist, London says so. Can someone confirm or deny? Which was 
the song?
 
The Indian media (especially news channels) over-hyped the visit. Despite the 
viewership touching lows, news channels continued the Obama show. What was 
their compulsions?
 
US media almost ignored it. CNN/BBC briefly mentioned the visit in small news 
capsul. 
 
The most important item of the visit (not highlighted by Indian media) was the 
sale of US arms and technology to India. Money which foreign institutions 
pumped into India, leading to high food inflation in India, will eventually go 
out of India to buy arms. This money in the first place was created by the US 
Fed by printing $ and expaning its balance sheet to over $ 2 tn and now further 
again by $ 600 bn through quantitative easing. The foreign flows are thus 
destined not to serve the purpose of the Indian aaam aaadmi.
Read this analysis in The Economist, London: 
http://www.economist.com/blogs/asiaview/2010/11/obama_india&fsrc=nwl
 
Rajendra
 
Song-and-dance partners 
Nov 8th 2010, 5:28 by A.R. | DELHI 

TRUE friends are welcome to pop around, even when they have little of substance 
to talk about. So good is the India-America relationship these days that Barack 
Obama has been warmly welcomed even when he comes with precious little to say.
The opening part of his four-country Asia trip, in India, may turn out to be a 
great success (at least compared with the Indonesian part of it, which risks 
being blown off course by a troublesome volcano). But the first two days 
delivered little for anyone to get excited about. A few business deals for 
American companies were brushed together into a package worth some $15 billion, 
announced in a speech in Mumbai—which supposedly will create 50,000 jobs in 
America. Disgruntled voters back home are unlikely to pay much heed.
A visit by Mr Obama and the first lady to the Taj Mahal hotel in Mumbai—scene 
of a gruesome terrorist attack two years ago—was touching, but as India-America 
intelligence-sharing is already pretty good, there was nothing much to say 
about improving matters there.
During an eloquent speech to the combined houses of parliament, in Delhi, Mr 
Obama did raise a cheer by talking of welcoming India, “in the years ahead”, as 
a permanent member of a reformed UN Security Council. That is certainly a 
signal of the warm ties between the two countries, but it is most unlikely that 
it will lead to any practical changes in the near future. Note that Mr Obama 
did not say explicitly that America would push for India to get a permanent 
seat soon, nor is there much sign that America anyway wishes to get UN reform 
efforts under way.
Inevitably the Indians hoped that Mr Obama would be as rude as possible about 
Pakistan. The British prime minister, David Cameron, had obliged during a trip 
in July, saying bluntly that Pakistan exports terrorism over its borders. 
Confirming as much in London last month, Pakistan’s ex-president, Pervez 
Musharraf, said he knew militant groups were being allowed across Pakistan’s 
border in an effort to bring India to the table for talk about Kashmir. Mr 
Obama talked mostly about encouraging dialogue between the two tetchy 
neighbours, but was quite explicit in saying that he would “continue to insist 
to Pakistan’s leaders…that the terrorists behind the Mumbai attacks be brought 
to justice.
Beyond that has left little more than beautiful photo opportunities and a 
light-footed display by Michelle Obama, who danced along with schoolchildren to 
a Bollywood number on Saturday and then again on Sunday to a Konkani song. The 
president gamely joined in, with slightly less aplomb. He is likely to be more 
at ease discussing economic policy with India’s cerebral prime minister, 
Manmohan Singh.
India and America could potentially become very close friends indeed. The 
similarities are many: each has a large territory and population, a federal 
system, a fondness for democracy, a deeply religious society, a middle class 
keen on indulging in great material consumption, a history of throwing off 
British rule, and so on. More important, each country has an uneasy eye on the 
rising economic, military and diplomatic power of China, in Asia and beyond, 
and looks to the other to serve as some sort of counterweight.
Thus, more so than the monetary value of various military procurement deals 
announced during Mr Obama’s trip, closer defence co-operation between India and 
America is what really matters. Already America conducts more joint military 
exercises with India than it does with any other single country, notably in the 
Indian Ocean. Now American firms are keen to tap into some $45 billion that 
India is expected to spend in the next few years on re-equipping its armed 
forces.
India-America trade is not huge yet—it may reach $50 billion this year, still 
somewhat less than the value of either country’s trade with China, for 
example—but it has the potential to grow. Mr Obama, as he was widely expected 
to do, did announce some easing of export controls on hi-tech goods to India, 
which will help in the defence and space industries, but it will not transform 
the trade relationship. More important would be resolving a spat over the 
liability that foreign investors will face when getting involved in India’s 
civil-nuclear programme. That, sadly, does not seem to be on the cards.
 


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