Season of corruption scandals
B S Arun

Graft is a bipartisan issue as both Congress party and opposition BJP face charges The Congress party has never been as nervous after the Bofors scandal hit the nation in the late 1980s. The Rs 64-crore payoff that brought the dirt at the then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi’s doorsteps, handed over an electoral defeat to the Congress in the 1989 elections.

Over 20 years later, the Congress finds itself in a near-similar shaky situation. There may be no threat of Congress losing its government but in the season of scams, the image of the party and that of the United Progressive Alliance government that it heads, has taken a severe beating.

The Commonwealth Games scam - not to speak of the tardy preparation bringing to question the very efficiency of the UPA government and the Congress-ruled Delhi state government - followed by the scam of the Adarsh Housing Society, supposedly meant for families of the Kargil war victims, and the telecom scam have unnerved the government, to put it mildly.

True, the party and the government have taken some action. Two heads have already rolled – A Raja and Ashok Chavan were made to step down as telecom minister and Maharashtra chief minister respectively, for presiding over the scandals.

But then such is the fate of the party that even after these two actions, the crescendo by the Opposition against the government, holding it responsible, has never stopped. Worse, the government seems clueless over what it should do and how to get out of the mess.

SC blow

Even while the Congress was undecided how to face the growing call by the Opposition for a Joint Parliamentary Committee probe into the scams, came some observations by the country’s top court.

The Supreme Court delivered perhaps the worst blow by passing adverse remarks against prime minister Manmohan Singh for his silence in not responding to a letter by former MP Subramanian Swamy seeking prosecution of the tainted Raja. The apex court passing comments on the working of the PM has never happened in recent memory. This has come as a shocker for an already bruised Congress, not knowing where to hide.

The blow was particularly nasty because it has hit the very person that Congress presents to the nation as its cleanest. Here’s what the 2009 Congress manifesto said about Singh: “In Manmohan Singh, we have a prime minister with unique qualifications, unparalleled experience, impeccable reputation and unquestionable integrity. His wisdom, knowledge and expertise is needed now more than ever, as the country faces challenges”.

Not that after Bofors there were no scams – the initial years of the minority Congress government of P V Narasimha Rao saw quite a few of them – stocks scam, sugar scam, hawala scam and telecom scam, which were followed by the Tehelka and coffin scams during the BJP regime. But both the governments weathered the storm although they did not come out unscathed. The telecom scam – allocation of 2G spectrum which supposedly cost the government a whopping Rs 1.76 lakh crore – is not just about the delay in Raja’s resignation but about the collective failure of the government to take action, to prevent the scandal.

The buck is stopping at the prime minister because the PMO, like the finance and law ministries and the cabinet secretariat, was aware of what was going on. Yet, they did little to stop Raja. The act of omission is proving to be too costly for the UPA government.

As the 2G scam threatens to become as potent a weapon to the Opposition as Bofors was, the inaction by the government has surprised many. Under Transaction of Business Rules set by the Cabinet Secretariat, any project worth over Rs 500 crore should go to the cabinet, more so if it involves more than one ministry.

The very fact that the PMO and other ministries kept sending letters to Raja points out that despite being in the know of things, these various bodies did not stop the telecom minister. When Congress came back to power in 2009, Singh did not want Raja in the cabinet. However, the compulsion of coalition politics forced him not only to induct him but give him telecom ministry. The inflated importance that Congress gave to DMK has hurt the UPA badly.


Contrast ‘avatar’

The UPA II is suddenly proving to be a complete contrast to UPA I avatar. Despite all the trouble created by the Left parties, the UPA I provided a relatively scam-free government and its pro-people programmes saw it coming back to power.

The UPA II is not dependent on the support of the Left or the demanding regional satraps like Mulayam Singh Yadav or Lalu Prasad. Still, this dispensation is finding the going tough.

The initial euphoria of the UPA II after it returned to power in 2009, and the coalition’s promise of delivering a “people’s government” by fast tracking development and expanding the social security net, is slowing evaporating as scam clouds loom dark and large.

There may not be any threat to the UPA II dispensation at the moment but Congress as an individual party will have little solace from some of the regional elections.

Of the five states facing Assembly elections – with polls already underway in Bihar – the Congress is likely to do well in two of the smaller states of Kerala and Assam.

It is likely to only very marginally improve on its tally of nine out of 243 seats in Bihar where the ruling JD (U)-BJP combine is expected to come back to power.

In West Bengal, the Congress will have to be satisfied with playing second fiddle to Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress, while in Tamil Nadu, the party scion wants to go it alone and not tie up with DMK (Congress provides the crucial support to the regional party in TN).

Thus, the Congress cannot expect any major boost from its individual show in these states (which send a total of 155 MPs to Lok Sabha). Still, the elections in these states cannot be taken as some sort of referendum on the issue of corruption as local issues dominate deciding the preference of the electorate.

Without waiting for the election results, the Congress has to do some major firefighting to undo the damage that the corruption charges have wreaked on its image.

Fed up, will UPA decide to call for fresh elections to the Lok Sabha? Highly unlikely. Not sure of future prospects, Congress may not take the bite and allies may not favour it either.
 JPC for joint partners in crime


Raja’s licence mela




Status quo for pain-drain or for stability?


vickynanjappa.blogspot.com/
 http://www.deccanherald.com/content/114522/season-corruption-scandals.html

Other voices:

http://www.rediff.com/news/column/the-buck-stops-with-you-mr-prime-minister/20101116.htm

AND JUST IN CASE YOU HAVE LOST TRACK OF THE PREVIOUS SCAMS, read on...............

Scandals
Sixty Years On, More Sinned Against...
The great political scams of the last 60 years reflect their times, but also fit a timeless definition of corruption: abuse of public power for private gain. A trip down murky memory lane.
Smita Gupta
The great political scams of the last 60 years reflect their times, but also fit a timeless definition of corruption: abuse of public power for private gain. They rolled out decade after decade—the Mundhra scandal, the Kairon embarrassment, the mysterious Nagarwala case; in the 1980s, big defence scams kept pace with India's growing defence needs. In the 1990s, as the economy liberalised, stockmarket and hawala scams erupted. Ironically, while political reputations were ruined and a government was brought down—in 1989, on the Bofors issue—very few allegations have ever been proved. The recent scandals, like the Taj Corridor case involving Mayawati, and the Telgi fake stamp paper scam, are still fresh in the public mind. Here, we take you on a trip down murky memory lane.
***

The Mundhra Scandal
The timing was disastrous. Less than a year after the government nationalised life insurance in 1956—on the grounds that it was not being managed well—the Life Insurance Corporation (LIC) produced independent India's first scam. Pressured by the Union finance ministry, LIC bypassed its investment committee and purchased shares worth Rs 124 lakh in six—mainly dud—companies belonging to Calcutta industrialist Haridas Mundhra. Feroze Gandhi, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's son-in-law, dramatically disclosed the deal in 1958, leading to a nationwide furore, and an investigation. The guilty were punished, and Union finance minister T.T. Krishnamachari had to resign.
Kairon and Sons
For independent India, this was a first-of-a-kind scandal. Later, of course, it was to become almost a cliche in political life: a chief minister accused of aggrandising himself and his family at public expense. The S.R. Das Commission, tasked to investigate these charges against Punjab chief minister Pratap Singh Kairon, exonerated him in 1964, saying a father could not be held legally responsible for the actions of his grown-up children. But a caveat—that a chief minister could not escape moral responsibility for his children's' actions—was indictment enough. Kairon quit.



"Man from Bangladesh"
The case, straight out of a political thriller, captured public imagination and continues to raise unanswered questions. On May 24, 1971, former intelligence agent R.S. Nagarwala, posing as a "man from Bangladesh", withdrew Rs 60 lakh from the Parliament Street branch of New Delhi's State Bank of India, following a purported call from then prime minister of India, Indira Gandhi, to the chief cashier. Nagarwala had apparently "mimicked" Indira Gandhi's voice. In the course of the probe that followed, investigating officer D.K. Kashyap was killed in a mysterious car accident and Nagarwala died in prison. The Janata Party, alleging that the money belonged to Indira Gandhi, set up the Jaganmohan Reddy commission in 1977, but found insufficient evidence to indict her.



"Rajiv Gandhi chor hai"
"Gali gali mein shor hai, Rajiv Gandhi chor hai!" As the scandal over the Bofors gun deal became a symbol of corruption in high office, this slogan was heard across the country. The alleged kickback involved was Rs 60 crore, small change as such scandals go, but it helped V.P. Singh's National Front trounce Rajiv's Congress in 1989. Since then, the Delhi High Court has acquitted Rajiv Gandhi and the Hinduja brothers. 'Middleman' Ottavio Quattrocchi's name has not yet been cleared, but investigators have not come up with anything conclusive either. Yet, 18 years later, the ghost of Bofors continues to haunt a forever tainted Congress—and Rajiv Gandhi's widow, Sonia.



St Kitts Forgery Scandal
Chandraswami, a godman with greasy locks and mighty political connections, was the central figure in the 1989 tit-for-tat "scam" intended to tarnish V. P. Singh. He, along with then external affairs minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, and another minister, K.K. Tewary, reportedly organised forged documents to show that VP's son Ajeya Singh had deposited $21 million in the First Trust Corporation Bank in the Caribbean island of St Kitts, with his father as beneficiary. After Rao's term as PM ended in 1996, the CBI formally charged him for the crime. But later, the court acquitted Rao for lack of evidence. All the other accused were also eventually let off. However, the scam punctured Chandraswami's colourful career. Politicians kept clear of him from then on.




Sukh Ram Telecom Scam
He came to be known by the epithet, minister of tele-'phony'. In 2002, a CBI special court sentenced former Union communications minister Sukh Ram to three years RI, and fined him Rs 1 lakh for purchasing poor quality radio system equipment from a company in 1991, causing the public exchequer to suffer losses totalling Rs 1.68 crore. The buzz was that Sukh Ram, under whose bed dhobi bundles of cash were found, was involved in several other deals, but nothing was proved. A senior telecom official, Runu Ghosh, and Hyderabad-based businessman Pataru Rama Rao, were also sentenced to two and three years imprisonment respectively. A tortuous legal battle continues.



Stockmarket Scam, 1992
He was toasted and celebrated by investors and the media alike. But like the stockmarket, he too crashed, leading to one of the biggest financial scandals in independent India. 'Big Bull' Harshad Mehta, held to be largely responsible for the stockmarket crash of '92, was arrested by the CBI in November that year for "misappropriating" more than 27 lakh shares—worth Rs 250 crore—of about 90 companies, including Sensex heavyweights like ACC and Hindalco, through forged share transfer forms. Blacklisted in the stockmarket, he reportedly caused a loss of more than Rs 4,000 crore to various entities and eventually died in custody in December 2001, before all the legal issues were sorted out. The stock scam reverberated through the country, with several people committing suicide after losing their life savings and going bankrupt overnight.

PV in a Pickle
Close on the heels of the stock scam came Harshad Mehta's sensational allegation that he had paid Rs 1 crore in cash to the personal secretary of then prime minister Narasimha Rao. He even displayed a suitcase, offering a symbol for venality, but the allegation was never proved. Rao was also embarrassed by the Lakhubhai Pathak cheating scandal. Pickle king Pathak, a UK-based Indian businessman, alleged that he had paid Chandraswami and his associate K.N. Aggarwal alias Mamaji (who were close to Rao) $100,000 in return for a paper pulp supply contract in India, a "promise" that was not kept. Rao and Chandraswami were acquitted of the charges in 2003 due to lack of evidence. Despite this, the case remained a blot on Rao.



Jain Hawala Scam
Some of the country's leading politicians were implicated in the Rs 64-crore hawala scandal, involving payments allegedly received by politicians through the Jain brothers, who were hawala brokers. The media went into overdrive over a diary, which apparently contained the names of top politicians. These included the BJP's L.K. Advani and Congressmen Balram Jakhar, Madhavrao Scindia and Arjun Singh. However, they were all cleared. Advani was let off in 1997, while Jakhar and the Jain brothers were also let off in 1999 for want of credible evidence. The CBI was severely criticised for its inefficient investigation of the scandal.



Fodder Scam
In 1996, Bihar CM Laloo Prasad Yadav became the focus of the Rs 950-crore fodder scam in the state's animal husbandry department, notorious for financial irregularities involving powerful politicians (across parties) and officials. In April 2000, Laloo was chargesheeted in the case, with wife Rabri Devi as co-accused. In December '06, they were acquitted, but the CBI and the Bihar government, now under the JD(U)'s Nitish Kumar, opposed the decision in the Patna high court. Till date, 250 persons have been convicted. But the scandal's severest toll has been on Laloo's reputation.



Petrol Pump Scam
Shortly after the NDA came to power in '98, the BJP was quick to prove it was not "a party with a difference". By '02, it was evident that most petrol pump, LPG and kerosene allotments during the NDA regime had favoured BJP functionaries, Sangh activists and selected governors and bureaucrats. Then prime minister A.B. Vajpayee was forced to cancel all 3,158 allotments, with effect from January 2000. However, the SC quashed the order. In 2005, an apex court-appointed panel recommended that 296 of the 409 allotments be cancelled.



Operation West End
Tehelka.com sent shockwaves throughout the country when it released secret video footage of senior politicians, including then BJP president Bangaru Laxman and Samata Party national president Jaya Jaitly, bureaucrats and army officers accepting bribes for defence deals. This was the first major sting operation in Indian journalism. From then on, getting 'Bangarued' came to mean being caught with your hand in the till. The scandal forced Bangaru and then defence minister George Fernandes to resign. The CBI filed charges against Bangaru and two of his aides in July '06 and against Jaitly in December '06. Chargesheets were also filed in 2006 against some of the other accused in the Union ministry of defence and the army. R.K. Jain, former treasurer of the Samata Party, was finally arrested in 2006 on charges of receiving huge payoffs in defence deals.


Bu Smita Gupta with Debarshi Dasgupta http://www.outlookindia.com/printarticle.aspx?235369

- Forwarded by gaspar almeida, www.goa-world.com




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