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Sent: 10 February 2007 03:40
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Subject: TWN Finance: How the WB maintains its research paradigm & dominance


TWN Info Service on Finance and Development (Feb07/02)

10 February 2007

Third World Network

www.twnside.org.sg <http://www.twnside.org.sg/>




HOW THE WORLD BANK MAINTAINS ITS RESEARCH PARADIGM & DOMINANCE





Below is an article by Professor Robin Broad of the School of
International Service at American University, Washington DC examining
the research activities of the World Bank and focusing on the
imperatives which drive the Bank's research agenda.



Aside from being a major lender of public funds, the Bank is also the
world's largest development research body, with its research
activities centred in the Development Economics Vice-Presidency (DEC).
DEC is, in short, the research powerhouse of the development
community, serving as a research department for other bilateral aid
agencies and other multilateral development banks, which often follow
the course laid out by the Bank. It also informs the activities of the
World Trade Organisation (WTO) and its research is relied upon by
policy-makers and academics around the world.



The article debunks claims by the Bank that it serves as an impartial
'knowledge bank' conducting independent and rigorous research.
Instead, the author concludes that "through its research, the World
Bank has played a critical role in the legitimisation of the
neo-liberal free-market paradigm over the past quarter century and its
research department has been vital to this role".



The article was adapted and condensed with permission from a paper
entitled, "Research, Knowledge, and the Art of 'Paradigm Maintenance':
The World Bank's Development Economics Vice-Presidency (DEC)"
published in the Review of International Political Economy, Vol. 13,
No. 3, August 2006, and was originally published by the Bretton Woods
Project, London.



This version was published in the SUNS #6183 Monday, 5 February 2007.



With best wishes,
Martin Khor

TWN





How the World Bank Maintains its Research Paradigm & Dominance



By Robin Broad



The World Bank is not only the main lender of public money in the
world. It is also the world's largest development research body,
centred in the Development Economics Vice-Presidency (DEC).



DEC is important because it serves as a research department for other
bilateral aid agencies and other multilateral development banks, which
often follow the course laid out by the Bank. So too with the World
Trade Organization which, according to an internal Bank document,
"looks to the Bank to provide analysis on trade integration policies".



And Bank research is consulted by policy-makers across the globe. In
academia, as well, relevant courses often rely heavily on Bank
research papers. In short, DEC is the research powerhouse of the
development world.



The Bank likes to claim that DEC conducts the creme-de-la-creme of
development research and that governments and researchers should view
it as an impartial 'knowledge bank' on development, conducting
rigorous and independent research.



After a careful look inside DEC (including a couple dozen interviews
with former and current Bank staff), I have reached a different
conclusion: through its research, the World Bank has played a critical
role in the legitimisation of the neo-liberal free-market paradigm
over the past quarter century and its research department has been
vital to this role.



When discussing reforms to the World Bank, a closer look should be
taken at its research department as well as its external affairs
department which disseminates broadly this less-than-objective
research.



The work of perhaps the best-known World Bank researcher, David
Dollar, exemplifies the "paradigm-maintenance" role (a term taken from
Robert Wade). For many in the media, academia, and policy-making
circles, Dollar's work on trade and economic growth has been
transformed into a widely-cited, empirically-proven 'fact' that
'globalisers' - countries wedded to the Washington Consensus,
especially to liberalised trade - experience higher economic growth
rates than 'non-globalisers'.



As Dollar and a co-author phrased it in a 2002 article in Foreign
Affairs: "Openness to foreign trade and investment, coupled with
complementary reforms, typically leads to faster growth."



How did Dollar's work become so prominent? Why does the work of Bank
DEC researchers who support the neo-liberal policy agenda get
widespread attention?



I discovered a set of six inter-related processes and mechanisms
through which DEC, at times collaborating with other parts of the
World Bank, performs its paradigm-maintenance role by privileging
individuals and work "resonating" with this ideology.



These mutually-reinforcing structures include a series of incentives -
increasing an individual's chances to be hired, to advance one's
career, to be published, to be promoted by the Bank's external affairs
department, and, in general, to be assessed positively.



And they also include selective enforcement of rules, discouragement
of dissonant discourse, and even the manipulation of data to fit the
paradigm. This incentive or reward system is typically unstated, may
even negate the formal or stated procedures and, as such, functions as
"soft" law. This is done in a way that undermines debate and nuanced
research conclusions, instead encouraging the confirmation of a priori
neo-liberal hypotheses.



Here is a brief overview of the six sets of mechanisms (unless
otherwise indicated, quotations are from my interviews):



1. HIRING: The structures through which these incentives play out are
multiple and they begin with hiring biases. While countries of birth
and nationality may lead to a superficial assessment that the staff is
international and diverse, the Bank is far from diverse.



Bank staff are overwhelmingly PhD economists. Boundaries of
disciplines in and of themselves set intellectual boundaries, defining
acceptable questions and methods. DEC houses fewer than a handful of
non-economist social scientists. Further concentrating thought, the US
and the UK university economics departments supply most of the PhD
economists working within DEC.



So too are the Bank's generous pay scale and benefits part of this
incentive structure. This is what a former Bank economist terms "the
golden handcuffs". While the Bank claims these are necessary to
attract the best staff, what they actually do is limit dissent by
increasing the "opportunity costs" of any dissidence.



2. PROMOTION: There are a number of ways in which promotion incentives
help shape the work toward "paradigm maintenance". The overarching
goal of any researcher who wants to make a career of the Bank is to
achieve, after five years, "regularisation", the Bank equivalent of
academic tenure. Along the way, there are annual reviews.



As noted by C. Gilbert and D. Vines, "most Bank employees are on
short-term contracts. There is substantial anecdotal evidence that
this is distorting incentives away from creative thinking and towards
career-path management."



To get good reviews, DEC professionals need to publish, ideally in
both internal Bank publications and externally especially in academic
journals. Reviews also look at a DEC researcher's influence on Bank
operations and policy.



The Bank has set up formal structures to try to ensure the transfer of
research 'knowledge' to operations. Most notable is that one-third of
a researcher's time must be spent doing what is called operational
"cross-support". In devising a work programme, the researcher is aware
that he/she will "need marketability for 1/3 time" when she/he is a de
facto "free agent".



In terms of the characteristics of a "marketable" DEC researcher, as
one senior economist in DEC explains, operations looks for
high-profile folks with "resonance." To paraphrase, if you are in
operations and you are looking to buy the time of a researcher, you
look to add someone who is likely to improve the chances of your
project getting through.



"You want a Dollar", one interviewee states bluntly without
provocation. Conversely, asks one non-neoliberal-economist researcher
rhetorically: why would operations want me?



3. SELECTIVE ENFORCEMENT OF RULES: DEC's paradigmatic bias is also
reflected in the process of reviewing ongoing research for
publication. The Bank likes to claim that there is uniform, objective,
external review, but that is not the perception of individual
researchers themselves.



While there may be written rules with specific requirements (which
this author has yet to see, despite repeated attempts), evidence
suggests and interviews confirm that reviews of proposed research,
manuscripts, and individuals are done "selectively".



Most of those interviewed for this article offered that research
critical of the neo-liberal model or opening the door to alternatives
(i. e. without that necessary "resonance") is likely to undergo
stricter external review and/or be rejected.



The review process, says a former Bank professional, "depends on what
the paper is [about] and who the author is. If you are a respected
neoclassical economist, then [approval] only needs one sign-off, that
of your boss. If it's critical, then you go through endless reviews,
until the author gives up."



4. DISCOURAGING DISSONANT DISCOURSE: In 1996, then-Bank president
James Wolfensohn launched the initiative to magnify the research and
dissemination role of the World Bank by transforming the institution
from what was called a 'lending bank' into a 'knowledge bank'. The
implication was that the World Bank was a place where all views, all
ideas, all empirical data on development would be available to the
world.



DEC demonstrates how badly the Bank fails in this regard. Dissent is
allowed on more marginal issues, but seldom on the core tenets of the
neo-liberal model. How does this discouragement of dissent occur?



Discourse is part of the answer. On numerous occasions when the
present author asked Bank staff about someone whose work has raised
dissent, the response was invariably that that person was
"idiosyncratic" or "iconoclastic" or "disaffected".



In other words, people who do not project the Bank's paradigm are
diminished or ostracized or deemed a "misfit". Former DEC official
David Ellerman has described the Bank as "an organisation where open
debate is not a big part of the culture".



This lack of openness to dissent is all the more troubling in the
context of the rapidly evolving post-Seattle and post-Asian-crisis
debate on development. Since the late 1990s, with the rise of a global
backlash against the neo-liberal model, there has been - outside the
Bank - a vibrant theoretical and policy debate about neo-liberal
economic globalisation as evidence grows of its negative impacts on
economic, environmental, and social development.



During this period, Bank projects and policy-based lending have come
under heavy attack for contributing to these negative impacts. Yet,
the Bank has been able to continue to operate relatively unchecked in
its research work.



Take Dollar's work. There has been widespread external criticism of
Dollar's methodology by non-doctrinaire economists outside of the Bank
- from Harvard economist Dani Rodrik, Center for Economic and Policy
Research director/economist Mark Weisbrot, London School of Economics'
Robert Wade, Cornell professor (and former Bank professional) Ravi
Kanbur, and others (including the present author).



Rodrik, for example, reaches a conclusion opposite of Dollar's: "The
evidence from the 1990s indicated a positive (but statistically
insignificant) relationship between tariffs and economic growth."



Yet the Bank continues to project Dollar's work as if it is undisputed
fact. "The point," explains a DEC economist, "is that one type of
research is encouraged, people know what type it is and they produce
it, while another type is given short-shrift."



5. MANIPULATION OF DATA: What does the Bank do if data/research does
not support a neo-liberal hypothesis? There is disturbing evidence
that the Bank crafts, and even manipulates, the executive summaries
and press releases of reports so that they reinforce the neo-liberal
paradigm.



A case in point of an executive summary that is so well crafted that
it no longer meshes with the text of the report is a 350-plus-page
2003 Bank document on Lessons from NAFTA for Latin American and
Caribbean Countries.



The summary states that "real wages [in Mexico] have recovered rapidly
from the 1995 collapse". However, the text itself does not support
this conclusion, as researcher Sarah Anderson noticed as she read the
text carefully: "Table 1 of the summary shows that real wages in both
local currency and in dollars have dropped since 1994... Figure 4 in
the main body of the report shows that real Mexican wages relative to
those in the US are also below their 1994 levels."



Anderson wrote to report co-author Daniel Lederman to ask how the
table's drop in real wages in the 1994-2001 period could have been
summarised as a return to a level "roughly equal" to 1994. Lederman
responded that the wage trends were complicated and therefore the
summary was meant to "be vague". As Anderson replied: "To say that
wages have returned to their 1994 levels when they have not is not
merely 'vague' but is inaccurate".



Yet Anderson seems to have been one of the few to read the report
carefully enough to note this key discrepancy or "falsehood" (as she
more accurately phrases it). Indeed, in 2004, the Washington Post ran
a long, lead editorial on the success of NAFTA, based in part on the
World Bank report.



Incredibly enough, the editorial chastised NAFTA critics who say that
wage growth has "been negligible" and instead noted that "wage levels
that match those existing before the peso crisis represent an
achievement."



In other words, the Bank seems to understand and play to the fact that
most people, including most journalists, will read only the press
release and summary. In this case, on a significant arena for
potential policy debate and reform, the Bank fooled a major newspaper
whose editorials are read and used by key policy-makers.



6. EXTERNAL PROJECTION: My research also concluded that the Bank's
external affairs department functions as a projector of DEC's
"paradigm-maintenance" role. Dollar, for instance, did not have the
backing only of DEC. The Bank's external affairs department stepped in
to publicise his work; it is external affairs that has the "money,
media contacts, and incredible clout" to fly an author around the
world.



External affairs' rise in stature dates from the early Wolfensohn
years under the leadership of Mark Malloch Brown (1994-99). In
Wolfensohn's second term, external affairs' budget soared. By 2004-5,
its budget was comparable to the full annual budget of the right-wing
US think tank the Heritage Foundation.



CONCLUSION: These six sets of incentives raise significant questions
about the World Bank's own argument that it produces work of the
utmost quality and integrity. My research should certainly raise alarm
about further concentrating and aggrandising this role of knowledge
production and marketing in the World Bank.



In fact, my research suggests just the opposite. At this moment of
identity crisis within the Bank, this is an opportune moment to
question "paradigm maintenance" and to rethink fundamentally research
- knowledge production and dissemination - at the World Bank.



My inquiry into a part of the Bank that has been shockingly unexplored
by outsiders also opens the door to thinking about new arenas for
advocacy work on the Bank. Does the Bank really need a biased research
department? Does the Bank really need an external affairs department
to tout research that reinforces the highly discredited neo-liberal
model?



Governments and private foundations that support World Bank research
and publicity would do far better to support independent research
institutions that are stimulating a more diverse development debate.



* Robin Broad is professor, international development program, School
of International Service, American University in Washington, DC and
author of several books on development and the international financial
institutions. This article is adapted and condensed, with permission,
from: Robin Broad, "Research, Knowledge, and the Art of 'Paradigm
Maintenance': The World Bank's Development Economics Vice-Presidency
(DEC)" published in the Review of International Political Economy,
Vol. 13, No. 3, August 2006, pp 387-419. (See website
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
<https://mywebmail.warwick.ac.uk/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals>
). The adapted article was published by the Bretton Woods Project,
London www.brettonwoodsproject.org
<http://www.brettonwoodsproject.org/>




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