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Arundhati Roy
In a blazing outburst, the writer-activist warns of socio-political
cataclysm
http://tehelka.com/story_main28.asp?filename=Ne310307Its_outright_CS.asp

COVER STORY
EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW

'It’s outright war and both sides are choosing their weapons'

Chhattisgarh. Jharkhand. Bihar. Andhra Pradesh. Signposts of fractures
gone too far with too little remedy. Arundhati Roy in conversation with
Shoma Chaudhury on the violence rending our heartland


Singur and Nandigram make you wonder — is the last stop of every
revolution advanced capitalism?


Singur and Nandigram make you wonder — is the last stop of every
revolution advanced capitalism?
There is an atmosphere of growing violence across the country. How do
you read the signs? In what context should it be read?

You don’t have to be a genius to read the signs. We have a growing
middle class, reared on a diet of radical consumerism and aggressive
greed. Unlike industrialising Western countries, which had colonies from
which to plunder resources and generate slave labour to feed this
process, we have to colonise ourselves, our own nether parts. We’ve
begun to eat our own limbs. The greed that is being generated (and
marketed as a value interchangeable with nationalism) can only be sated
by grabbing land, water and resources from the vulnerable. What we’re
witnessing is the most successful secessionist struggle ever waged in
independent India — the secession of the middle and upper classes from
the rest of the country. It’s a vertical secession, not a lateral one.
They’re fighting for the right to merge with the world’s elite somewhere
up there in the stratosphere. They’ve managed to commandeer the
resources, the coal, the minerals, the bauxite, the water and
electricity. Now they want the land to make more cars, more bombs, more
mines — supertoys for the new supercitizens of the new superpower. So
it’s outright war, and people on both sides are choosing their weapons.
The government and the corporations reach for structural adjustment, the
World Bank, the ADB, FDI, friendly court orders, friendly policy makers,
help from the ‘friendly’ corporate media and a police force that will
ram all this down people’s throats. Those who want to resist this
process have, until now, reached for dharnas, hunger strikes,
satyagraha, the courts and what they thought was friendly media. But now
more and more are reaching for guns. Will the violence grow? If the
‘growth rate’ and the Sensex are going to be the only barometers the
government uses to measure progress and the well-being of people, then
of course it will. How do I read the signs? It isn’t hard to read
sky-writing. What it says up there, in big letters, is this: the shit
has hit the fan, folks.

You once remarked that though you may not resort to violence yourself,
you think it has become immoral to condemn it, given the circumstances
in the country. Can you elaborate on this view?

I’d be a liability as a guerrilla! I doubt I used the word ‘immoral’ —
morality is an elusive business, as changeable as the weather. What I
feel is this: non-violent movements have knocked at the door of every
democratic institution in this country for decades, and have been
spurned and humiliated. Look at the Bhopal gas victims, the Narmada
Bachao Andolan. The nba had a lot going for it — high-profile
leadership, media coverage, more resources than any other mass movement.
What went wrong? People are bound to want to rethink strategy. When
Sonia Gandhi begins to promote satyagraha at the World Economic Forum in
Davos, it’s time for us to sit up and think. For example, is mass civil
disobedience possible within the structure of a democratic nation state?
Is it possible in the age of disinformation and corporate-controlled
mass media? Are hunger strikes umbilically linked to celebrity politics?
Would anybody care if the people of Nangla Machhi or Bhatti mines went
on a hunger strike? Irom Sharmila has been on a hunger strike for six
years. That should be a lesson to many of us. I’ve always felt that it’s
ironic that hunger strikes are used as a political weapon in a land
where most people go hungry anyway. We are in a different time and place
now. Up against a different, more complex adversary. We’ve entered the
era of NGOs — or should I say the era of paltu shers — in which mass
action can be a treacherous business. We have demonstrations which are
funded, we have sponsored dharnas and social forums which make militant
postures but never follow up on what they preach. We have all kinds of
‘virtual’ resistance. Meetings against SEZs sponsored by the biggest
promoters of SEZs. Awards and grants for environmental activism and
community action given by corporations responsible for devastating whole
ecosystems. Vedanta, a company mining bauxite in the forests of Orissa,
wants to start a university. The Tatas have two charitable trusts that
directly and indirectly fund activists and mass movements across the
country. Could that be why Singur has drawn so much less flak than
Nandigram? Of course the Tatas and Birlas funded Gandhi too — maybe he
was our first NGO. But now we have NGOs who make a lot of noise, write a
lot of reports, but whom the sarkar is more than comfortable with. How
do we make sense of all this? The place is crawling with professional
diffusers of real political action. ‘Virtual’ resistance has become
something of a liability.


We are in the era of sponsored dharnas and NGOs the sarkar is
comfortable with. The place is crawling with professional diffusers of
real political action

There was a time when mass movements looked to the courts for justice.
The courts have rained down a series of judgements that are so unjust,
so insulting to the poor in the language they use, they take your breath
away. A recent Supreme Court judgement, allowing the Vasant Kunj Mall to
resume construction though it didn’t have the requisite clearances, said
in so many words that the questions of corporations indulging in
malpractice does not arise! In the ERA of corporate globalisation,
corporate land-grab, in the ERA of Enron and Monsanto, Halliburton and
Bechtel, that’s a loaded thing to say. It exposes the ideological heart
of the most powerful institution in this country. The judiciary, along
with the corporate press, is now seen as the lynchpin of the neo-liberal
project.

In a climate like this, when people feel that they are being worn down,
exhausted by these interminable ‘democratic’ processes, only to be
eventually humiliated, what are they supposed to do? Of course it isn’t
as though the only options are binary — violence versus non-violence.
There are political parties that believe in armed struggle but only as
one part of their overall political strategy. Political workers in these
struggles have been dealt with brutally, killed, beaten, imprisoned
under false charges. People are fully aware that to take to arms is to
call down upon yourself the myriad forms of the violence of the Indian
State. The minute armed struggle becomes a strategy, your whole world
shrinks and the colours fade to black and white. But when people decide
to take that step because every other option has ended in despair,
should we condemn them? Does anyone believe that if the people of
Nandigram had held a dharna and sung songs, the West Bengal government
would have backed down? We are living in times when to be ineffective is
to support the status quo (which no doubt suits some of us). And being
effective comes at a terrible price. I find it hard to condemn people
who are prepared to pay that price.

You have been travelling a lot on the ground — can you give us a sense
of the trouble spots you have been to? Can you outline a few of the
combat lines in these places?

Huge question — what can I say? The military occupation of Kashmir,
neo-fascism in Gujarat, civil war in Chhattisgarh, mncs raping Orissa,
the submergence of hundreds of villages in the Narmada Valley, people
living on the edge of absolute starvation, the devastation of forest
land, the Bhopal victims living to see the West Bengal government
re-wooing Union Carbide — now calling itself Dow Chemicals — in
Nandigram. I haven’t been recently to Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka,
Maharashtra, but we know about the almost hundred thousand farmers who
have killed themselves. We know about the fake encounters and the
terrible repression in Andhra Pradesh. Each of these places has its own
particular history, economy, ecology. None is amenable to easy analysis.
And yet there is connecting tissue, there are huge international
cultural and economic pressures being brought to bear on them. How can I
not mention the Hindutva project, spreading its poison sub-cutaneously,
waiting to erupt once again? I’d say the biggest indictment of all is
that we are still a country, a culture, a society which continues to
nurture and practice the notion of untouchability. While our economists
number-crunch and boast about the growth rate, a million people — human
scavengers — earn their living carrying several kilos of other people’s
shit on their heads every day. And if they didn’t carry shit on their
heads they would starve to death. Some f***ing superpower this.

How does one view the recent State and police violence in Bengal?

No different from police and State violence anywhere else — including
the issue of hypocrisy and doublespeak so perfected by all political
parties including the mainstream Left. Are Communist bullets different
from capitalist ones? Odd things are happening. It snowed in Saudi
Arabia. Owls are out in broad daylight. The Chinese government tabled a
bill sanctioning the right to private property. I don’t know if all of
this has to do with climate change. The Chinese Communists are turning
out to be the biggest capitalists of the 21st century. Why should we
expect our own parliamentary Left to be any different? Nandigram and
Singur are clear signals. It makes you wonder — is the last stop of
every revolution advanced capitalism? Think about it — the French
Revolution, the Russian Revolution, the Chinese Revolution, the Vietnam
War, the anti-apartheid struggle, the supposedly Gandhian freedom
struggle in India… what’s the last station they all pull in at? Is this
the end of imagination?



These are times when to be ineffective is to support the status quo. And
being effective comes at a terrible price
The Maoist attack in Bijapur — the death of 55 policemen. Are the rebels
only the flip side of the State?

How can the rebels be the flip side of the State? Would anybody say that
those who fought against apartheid — however brutal their methods — were
the flip side of the State? What about those who fought the French in
Algeria? Or those who fought the Nazis? Or those who fought colonial
regimes? Or those who are fighting the US occupation of Iraq? Are they
the flip side of the State? This facile new report-driven ‘human rights’
discourse, this meaningless condemnation game that we are all forced to
play, makes politicians of us all and leaches the real politics out of
everything. However pristine we would like to be, however hard we polish
our halos, the tragedy is that we have run out of pristine choices.
There is a civil war in Chhattisgarh sponsored, created by the
Chhattisgarh government, which is publicly pursing the Bush doctrine: if
you’re not with us, you are with the terrorists. The lynchpin of this
war, apart from the formal security forces, is the Salva Judum — a
government-backed militia of ordinary people forced to take up arms,
forced to become spos (special police officers). The Indian State has
tried this in Kashmir, in Manipur, in Nagaland. Tens of thousands have
been killed, hundreds of thousands tortured, thousands have disappeared.
Any banana republic would be proud of this record. Now the government
wants to import these failed strategies into the heartland. Thousands of
adivasis have been forcibly moved off their mineral-rich lands into
police camps. Hundreds of villages have been forcibly evacuated. Those
lands, rich in iron-ore, are being eyed by corporations like the Tatas
and Essar. mous have been signed, but no one knows what they say. Land
acquisition has begun. This kind of thing happened in countries like
Colombia — one of the most devastated countries in the world. While
everybody’s eyes are fixed on the spiralling violence between
government-backed militias and guerrilla squads, multinational
corporations quietly make off with the mineral wealth. That’s the little
piece of theatre being scripted for us in Chhattisgarh.

Of course it’s horrible that 55 policemen were killed. But they’re as
much the victims of government policy as anybody else. For the
government and the corporations they’re just cannon fodder — there’s
plenty more where they came from. Crocodile tears will be shed, prim TV
anchors will hector us for a while and then more supplies of fodder will
be arranged. For the Maoist guerrillas, the police and spos they killed
were the armed personnel of the Indian State, the main, hands-on
perpetrators of repression, torture, custodial killings, false
encounters. They’re not innocent civilians — if such a thing exists — by
any stretch of imagination.

I have no doubt that the Maoists can be agents of terror and coercion
too. I have no doubt they have committed unspeakable atrocities. I have
no doubt they cannot lay claim to undisputed support from local people —
but who can? Still, no guerrilla army can survive without local support.
That’s a logistical impossibility. And the support for Maoists is
growing, not diminshing. That says something. People have no choice but
to align themselves on the side of whoever they think is less worse.

But to equate a resistance movement fighting against enormous injustice
with the government which enforces that injustice is absurd. The
government has slammed the door in the face of every attempt at
non-violent resistance. When people take to arms, there is going to be
all kinds of violence — revolutionary, lumpen and outright criminal. The
government is responsible for the monstrous situations it creates.

‘Naxals’, ‘Maoists’, ‘outsiders’: these are terms being very loosely
used these days.

‘Outsiders’ is a generic accusation used in the early stages of
repression by governments who have begun to believe their own publicity
and can’t imagine that their own people have risen up against them.
That’s the stage the CPM is at now in Bengal, though some would say
repression in Bengal is not new, it has only moved into higher gear. In
any case, what’s an outsider? Who decides the borders? Are they village
boundaries? Tehsil? Block? District? State? Is narrow regional and
ethnic politics the new Communist mantra? About Naxals and Maoists —
well… India is about to become a police state in which everybody who
disagrees with what’s going on risks being called a terrorist. Islamic
terrorists have to be Islamic — so that’s not good enough to cover most
of us. They need a bigger catchment area. So leaving the definition
loose, undefined, is effective strategy, because the time is not far off
when we’ll all be called Maoists or Naxalites, terrorists or terrorist
sympathisers, and shut down by people who don’t really know or care who
Maoists or Naxalites are. In villages, of course, that has begun —
thousands of people are being held in jails across the country, loosely
charged with being terrorists trying to overthrow the state. Who are the
real Naxalites and Maoists? I’m not an authority on the subject, but
here’s a very rudimentary potted history.


The government has slammed the door in the face of every attempt at
non-violent resistance. The government is responsible for the situations
it creates
The Communist Party of India, the CPI, was formed in 1925. The CPI (M),
or what we now call the CPM — the Communist Party Marxist — split from
the CPI in 1964 and formed a separate party. Both, of course, were
parliamentary political parties. In 1967, the CPM, along with a splinter
group of the Congress, came to power in West Bengal. At the time there
was massive unrest among the peasantry starving in the countryside.
Local CPM leaders — Kanu Sanyal and Charu Mazumdar — led a peasant
uprising in the district of Naxalbari which is where the term Naxalites
comes from. In 1969, the government fell and the Congress came back to
power under Siddhartha Shankar Ray. The Naxalite uprising was
mercilessly crushed — Mahasweta Devi has written powerfully about this
time. In 1969, the CPI (ML) — Marxist Leninist — split from the CPM. A
few years later, around 1971, the CPI (ML) devolved into several
parties: the CPM-ML (Liberation), largely centred in Bihar; the CPM-ML
(New Democracy), functioning for the most part out of Andhra Pradesh and
Bihar; the CPM-ML (Class Struggle) mainly in Bengal. These parties have
been generically baptised ‘Naxalites’. They see themselves as Marxist
Leninist, not strictly speaking Maoist. They believe in elections, mass
action and — when absolutely pushed to the wall or attacked — armed
struggle. The MCC — the Maoist Communist Centre, at the time mostly
operating in Bihar — was formed in 1968. The PW, People’s War,
operational for the most part in Andhra Pradesh, was formed in 1980.
Recently, in 2004, the MCC and the pw merged to form the CPI (Maoist)
They believe in outright armed struggle and the overthrowing of the
State. They don’t participate in elections. This is the party that is
fighting the guerrilla war in Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and
Jharkhand.

The Indian State and media largely view the Maoists as an “internal
security” threat. Is this the way to look at them?

I’m sure the Maoists would be flattered to be viewed in this way.

The Maoists want to bring down the State. Given the autocratic ideology
they take their inspiration from, what alternative would they set up?
Wouldn’t their regime be an exploitative, autocratic, violent one as
well? Isn’t their action already exploitative of ordinary people? Do
they really have the support of ordinary people?

I think it’s important for us to acknowledge that both Mao and Stalin
are dubious heroes with murderous pasts. Tens of millions of people were
killed under their regimes. Apart from what happened in China and the
Soviet Union, Pol Pot, with the support of the Chinese Communist Party
(while the West looked discreetly away), wiped out two million people in
Cambodia and brought millions of people to the brink of extinction from
disease and starvation. Can we pretend that China’s cultural revolution
didn’t happen? Or that millions of people in the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe were not victims of labour camps, torture chambers, the
network of spies and informers, the secret police. The history of these
regimes is just as dark as the history of Western imperialism, except
for the fact that they had a shorter life-span. We cannot condemn the
occupation of Iraq, Palestine and Kashmir while we remain silent about
Tibet and Chechnya. I would imagine that for the Maoists, the Naxalites,
as well as the mainstream Left, being honest about the past is important
to strengthen people’s faith in the future. One hopes the past will not
be repeated, but denying that it ever happened doesn’t help inspire
confidence… Nevertheless, the Maoists in Nepal have waged a brave and
successful struggle against the monarchy. Right now, in India, the
Maoists and the various Marxist-Leninist groups are leading the fight
against immense injustice here. They are fighting not just the State,
but feudal landlords and their armed militias. They are the only people
who are making a dent. And I admire that. It may well be that when they
come to power, they will, as you say, be brutal, unjust and autocratic,
or even worse than the present government. Maybe, but I’m not prepared
to assume that in advance. If they are, we’ll have to fight them too.
And most likely someone like myself will be the first person they’ll
string up from the nearest tree — but right now, it is important to
acknowledge that they are bearing the brunt of being at the forefront of
resistance. Many of us are in a position where we are beginning to align
ourselves on the side of those who we know have no place for us in their
religious or ideological imagination. It’s true that everybody changes
radically when they come to power — look at Mandela’s anc. Corrupt,
capitalist, bowing to the imf, driving the poor out of their homes —
honouring Suharto, the killer of hundreds of thousands of Indonesian
Communists, with South Africa’s highest civilian award. Who would have
thought it could happen? But does this mean South Africans should have
backed away from the struggle against apartheid? Or that they should
regret it now? Does it mean Algeria should have remained a French
colony, that Kashmiris, Iraqis and Palestinians should accept military
occupation? That people whose dignity is being assaulted should give up
the fight because they can’t find saints to lead them into battle?

Is there a communication breakdown in our society?

Yes.
Mar 31 , 2007

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Anivar Aravind
moving Republic
Global Alternate Information Applications(GAIA)
Peringavu.P.O
Thrissur-680018
Kerala
Ph. +91 9446545336
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