*Get Under Society's Skin*

*By Gail Omvedt*

*countercurrents.org
*

24 April, 2007
*Hindustan 
Times<http://www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/Print.aspx?Id=4772e271-f6d4-4acd-b498-8c4766c1eb8f>
*

*T*he Supreme Court's recent decision and reiteration to stay the order
regarding OBC admissions until accurate data is available has brought forth
the expected reactions. Defenders of 'equality' won by ignoring caste are
hailing it; proponents of reservations are trying to put on a brave face.
But in one way, the decision is helpful: the Supreme Court has given cogent
arguments for the need for information to underlay policy. However, what
many of the opponents of reservations may not appreciate is that this brings
up squarely, once again, the argument for a caste-based census.

The demand for this is now rising, and the Congress has issued a statement
rejecting such an option. Why it has done so is hard to understand. If
getting information about caste is 'divisive', then so is trying to remedy
the situation. How do we remedy it without really good information? There is
no adequate answer to this question.

Many Indians opposed to a caste-based census have for years argued the issue
in terms of divisiveness. Some have even made wild projections of chaos,
violence and fragmentation. Yet, for decades, the United States has had not
only fairly far-reaching programmes of affirmative action, but also a
race-based census: people are asked their race, and do not consider this an
insult. The policy has not led to chaos and violence, but rather has
provided the foundation for efforts to remedy the situation.

In the 1960s, the US did have a certain amount of violence, with ghetto
rebellions, fights with the police and uprisings of angry young Black men
and women. The situation was too extreme to ignore; instead, policy
decisions were made. Now Blacks have penetrated more fields than ever
before, and race riots are a thing of the past, even if racism itself has
not been entirely overcome. Recognising the existence of race, like caste,
is not the road to ruin, but is a necessary prerequisite for dealing with,
and resolving, the issue.

Those who argue for 'merit' ignore the fact that merit is not linked to
caste. Here, biological inheritance and social conditioning have to be
carefully differentiated. The reason that people of 'higher' caste origin
perform better lies in their environmental advantages, which range from the
fields of education, socialisation to economic well-being.

The same, of course, has been true for race. Only, in the US, the arguments
for and against, 'nature' versus 'nurture', have been made endlessly. One of
the seemingly solidly documented books arguing for the reality of racial
differences, Richard Hernstein and Charles Murray's The Bell Curve, spent
hundreds of pages arguing that IQ tests, in fact, reflected the existence of
real intelligence — and since Blacks performed on the average significantly
lower than the White average, they claimed that this reflected their actual
capacities. Yet, the book let slip one important fact about IQ tests — that
average scores have risen over the last few decades, by about the same
amount as the 'difference' between average White and Black scores.

In other words, IQ tests reflect a degree of environmental advantage and
socialisation, even 'learning' about taking IQ tests. Even at an early age,
this environmental difference is there. In many European countries, the
average scores had risen because the scores of the lowest deciles rose
faster: in other words, the spread of mass education had made a difference.

In India, there has been no such extensive academic and general intellectual
debate about test scores, heredity and environment; only a good deal of
frantic and self-justifying outpourings. But the examinations here, as well
as interviews, are much less objective, much more culture-bound than IQ
tests. Education is much more unequally distributed. Denial of caste
inequalities has been less reasonable, more ingrained, more emotional.

In comparison with race, though, it is superficially easy to avoid dealing
with caste: it is not so easily visible as race is, though both are equally
social and not biological factors. There is a good deal of social
interaction directed at understanding the other's caste, but these are less
obvious and visible. As a result, a superficial 'passing' is much easier,
particularly for employment, if not for more personal issues such as
marriage. Yet the scars of caste remain, of this there is no doubt. What is
needed is more informed discussion and debate, not a closing of eyes, ears
and mouths to mimic the monkey reaction to reality.

There is possibly little change since the 1931 census, which gave extensive
information about caste. However, there is need for investigation: have some
OBCs really become 'affluent'? Aside from a few of their members, this is
doubtful. The very fact that these are mostly rural-based groups, and the
rural economy is in recognised crisis, should indicate that the average has
improved. There is no point, however, in endlessly arguing. We need the
data.

How does one handle a caste-based census? There has been, again, a lot of
talk about the complications of the matter. The solution is simple: let
everyone self-identify his or her caste. Those who want can say 'no caste'
(in fact, this itself would be an important data from the census). Those who
are out of mixed marriages or confused about their caste in anyway can also
say this. A panel of experts at the State level can then make broad
classifications out of the responses. There is, in other words, no great
dilemma about how to do it. It only takes social will.

*Gail Omvedt* is a social scientist and author of Dalit Visions: The
Anticaste Movement and Indian Cultural Identity and Growing Up Untouchable:
A Dalit Autobiography Among Others

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
"Ours is a battle not for wealth or for power.
It is a battle for freedom. It is a battle for the reclamation of human
personality."
- Dr BR Ambedkar
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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