Does the 'girl-child' exist?
Nivedita Menon
http://www.kafila.org/2007/07/26/does-the-%e2%80%98girl-child%e2%80%99-exist

Does the 'girl-child' exist? What is it other than empty officialese, a 
smoke-screen that obscures, almost erases, little girls and the dismal 
little lives most of them lead? The 'skewed sex-ratio' has become a 
fetishized object for policymakers and governments in India, and 
improving those numbers a goal in itself. In the pursuit of good-looking 
sex-ratios, the minister for women and child development has come up 
with one alarming scheme after the other.

Earlier this year, Renuka Chowdhury announced a government scheme to 
open centres where people can abandon unwanted daughters rather than 
aborting them. Can you imagine the girl-children growing up in these 
doomed institutions? What fates can they expect, unwanted by their 
parents and kept on by the State only to boost sex-ratios? Chowdhury 
said at the time that the government was treating the drop in sex-ratio 
as an issue of national emergency. She also said that through this 
scheme, the government would "at least ensure that the gene pool is 
maintained"! In effect, these institutions would be collections of 
little girls unwanted by all but the census-takers, dropping by 
periodically to correct the skewed sex-ratio with a quick look at the 
office records.

As for the gene pool, what if these girl-children refuse to marry, or 
more likely, if no one marries them? Will the government step in then 
with appropriate fertilizing measures to ensure the genes are 
transmitted to the next generation? More likely, though, based on the 
experience of existing Nari Niketans, are the possibilities of sexual 
abuse, pregnancies and botched abortions on a scale the thought of which 
makes one's heart clench.

And now the minister has announced a plan to make it mandatory to 
register all pregnancies, and to monitor abortions. A pilot project will 
be implemented by October this year in ten blocks with high malnutrition 
rates and skewed sex-ratio. Abortions will be permitted only for "valid 
and acceptable reasons". What would these be? No answer yet, but it 
can't be a comforting one. The slide from talking about preventing 
'female foeticide' to preventing 'foeticide' itself, has been insidious 
and unnoticed in India.

The very term foeticide for abortion -- the killing of the foetus, as if 
it is already a separate individual life -- becomes the means by which 
the State can seize control over women's bodies. Foeticide is an emotive 
word, used by the anti-abortion Christian right-wing in the United 
States of America. The term preferred by feminists is "abortion of a 
pregnancy" -- notice how this term prioritizes the pregnant woman as the 
subject of the sentence. However, 'foeticide' has come to replace 
'abortion' in the context of sex-selective abortion in India, in media 
reports as well as in government statements, without a thought to its 
implications. Of course, sex-determination tests should be monitored 
strictly, to the extent possible, and the culprits prosecuted 
vigorously. But it is quite another thing to monitor abortions 
themselves. Whatever the limitations of the former, the dangers of the 
latter are far greater.

Feminists in other countries still struggle against religious 
orthodoxies to make abortion legal and safe, while in India the Medical 
Termination of Pregnancy Act was passed with little opposition in 1971. 
However, it was purely a population-control measure, not a recognition 
of women's rights over their bodies and lives. The debate in parliament 
during its passage reveals, underlying it, extremely patriarchal and 
statist assumptions of control over women's bodies. Nevertheless, 
despite its many limitations, the act does enable women to get abortions 
legally. With this new move that would, according to Chowdhury, "make 
mysterious abortions difficult", a crucial area of control over our 
bodies may be taken away from us.

Most women in India have no control over the conditions in which they 
have sex, and abortion becomes the only form of birth-control. Think of 
those women who become pregnant through contraception failure, and have 
abortions because of the stigma of illegitimacy, or because they cannot 
afford another child, or because they are at a stage in their careers or 
their lives where they cannot take on the responsibility for yet another 
human life. What if the rationale behind these grounds remains 
"mysterious" to the powers-that-be?

Where society lays the entire responsibility for child-care on the 
woman, the woman should have the final say on whether she is ready to 
take on that responsibility. (By the way, recently the Delhi high court 
was pressured by a PIL to set up crèches for 'women lawyers'. The sexual 
division of labour is set in stone -- apparently male lawyers do not have 
children, only women lawyers do. But of course, in a situation where 
even women's colleges with all-women faculties do not offer child-care 
facilities, it is a welcome move.)

The pregnant body is not two individuals with equal rights, it is a 
unique entity incomprehensible to modern political theory -- a life 
within a life, but one life parasitic on the other. Where children are 
seen in the abstract as national resources, but concretely must be taken 
care of on a day-to-day, minute-to-minute basis by their mothers, the 
host body of the mother acquires the right to decide its fate.

This is why the access to safe and legal abortion should not be defended 
as a right of privacy. Although it is a decision taken by individual 
women, that decision is shaped and driven by public and social 
arrangements and limitations -- indeed, by a collective failure of social 
responsibility. Above all, it is worth stating unequivocally that the 
decision to abort a pregnancy is never, ever, taken without pain and 
guilt, and an enormous sense of loss.

It is true that many women go in for sex-selective abortion under 
pressure from their husbands' families -- it is not a 'choice' they 
willingly make. But when is abortion a willingly made positive choice? 
It is, under all circumstances, a difficult decision taken in the face 
of other more unbearable options. And every one of those circumstances 
has to do with a patriarchal society and a patriarchal family structure. 
So why is women's condition of helplessness in the family not the real 
issue? It was only as late as a year ago that the Domestic Violence Act 
was passed, giving women the right to live in the marital home after the 
break-up of a marriage, and even this right was recently limited by the 
Supreme Court in a judgment that limited the definition of "marital 
home". The Hindu Succession Act was amended only in 2005 to give 
daughters equal rights to ancestral property. The family and the 
institution of marriage are at the root of the oppression of women, and 
unless these are opened up and radically reconstructed, no amount of 
monitoring and punitive measures will result in changing women's lives.

Of course, people courageous enough to defy the patriarchal heterosexual 
family very often put their very lives at stake. Lesbian women, 
homosexual men, people who refuse to fit sexual relationships into 
marriage, who marry into the wrong caste or community, single women -- do 
we not know how they struggle to make meaningful lives, sometimes just 
to live? Yet, how many of these would endorse or go in for sex-selective 
abortion? Probably none.

What is the real issue? Skewed sex-ratios, an embarrassment for the 
'emerging world power' on the global stage? It would seem so from 
initiatives of the sort put forward by Chowdhury, where the real concern 
is statistics, not the lives of women. But what if the real issue is the 
fact that women are considered valueless and expendable, often by women 
themselves, correctly assessing the worth of a woman's life on the basis 
of their own experience? Then there is no quick fix.

An ideal feminist world would not be one in which abortions are free and 
common, but one in which the circumstances that make pregnancies 
unwanted have been transformed. Until then, in a hugely imperfect and 
unfair and sexist world, we must protect women's access to legal and 
safe abortions whenever they decide to have them -- whatever the reason 
for their decision.

[Published in The Telegraph as 'Unfair Rules Of a Number Game']
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070726/asp/opinion/story_8107331.asp

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