*Obama's Chicago Boys*
by Naomi Klein, June 13, 2008

Barack Obama waited just three days after Hillary Clinton pulled out of the
race to declare, on CNBC, "Look. I am a pro-growth, free-market guy. I love
the market."

Demonstrating that this is no mere spring fling, he has appointed
37-year-old Jason Furman to head his economic policy team. Furman is one of
Wal-Mart's most prominent defenders, anointing the company a "progressive
success story." On the campaign trail, Obama blasted Clinton for sitting on
the Wal-Mart board and pledged, "I won't shop there." For Furman, however,
it's Wal-Mart's critics who are the real threat: the "efforts to get
Wal-Mart to raise its wages and benefits" are creating "collateral damage"
that is "way too enormous and damaging to working people and the economy
more broadly for me to sit by idly and sing 'Kum-Ba-Ya' in the interests of
progressive harmony."

Obama's love of markets and his desire for "change" are not inherently
incompatible. "The market has gotten out of balance," he says, and it most
certainly has. Many trace this profound imbalance back to the ideas of
Milton Friedman, who launched a counter-revolution against the New Deal from
his perch at the University of Chicago economics department. And here there
are more problems, because Obama—who taught law at the University of Chicago
for a decade—is thoroughly embedded in the mindset known as the Chicago
School.

He chose as his chief economic adviser Austan Goolsbee, a University of
Chicago economist on the left side of a spectrum that stops at the
center-right. Goolsbee, unlike his more Friedmanite colleagues, sees
inequality as a problem. His primary solution, however, is more education—a
line you can also get from Alan Greenspan. In their hometown, Goolsbee has
been eager to link Obama to the Chicago School. "If you look at his
platform, at his advisers, at his temperament, the guy's got a healthy
respect for markets," he told Chicago magazine. "It's in the ethos of the ,
which is something different from saying he is laissez-faire."

Another of Obama's Chicago fans is 39-year-old billionaire Kenneth Griffin,
CEO of the hedge fund Citadel Investment Group. Griffin, who gave the
maximum allowable donation to Obama, is something of a poster boy for an
unbalanced economy. He got married at Versailles and had the after-party at
Marie Antoinette's vacation spot (Cirque du Soleil performed)—and he is one
of the staunchest opponents of closing the hedge fund tax loophole. While
Obama talks about toughening trade rules with China, Griffin has been
bending the few barriers that do exist. Despite sanctions prohibiting the
sale of police equipment to China, Citadel has been pouring money into
controversial China-based security companies that are putting the local
population under unprecedented levels of surveillance.

Now is the time to worry about Obama's Chicago Boys and their commitment to
fending off serious attempts at regulation. It was in the two and a half
months between winning the 1992 election and being sworn into office that
Bill Clinton did a U-turn on the economy. He had campaigned promising to
revise NAFTA, adding labor and environmental provisions and to invest in
social programs. But two weeks before his inauguration, he met with then
Goldman Sachs chief Robert Rubin, who convinced him of the urgency of
embracing austerity and more liberalization. Rubin told PBS, "President
Clinton actually made the decision before he stepped into the Oval Office,
during the transition, on what was a dramatic change in economic policy."

Furman, a leading disciple of Rubin, was chosen to head the Brookings
Institution's Hamilton Project, the think tank Rubin helped found to argue
for reforming, rather than abandoning, the free trade agenda. Add to that
Goolsbee's February meeting with Canadian consulate officials, who left with
the distinct impression that they had been instructed not to take Obama's
anti-NAFTA campaigning seriously, and there is every reason for concern
about a replay of 1993.

The irony is that there is absolutely no reason for this backsliding. The
movement launched by Friedman, introduced by Ronald Reagan and entrenched
under Clinton, faces a profound legitimacy crisis around the world. Nowhere
is this more evident than at the University of Chicago itself. In mid-May,
when university president Robert Zimmer announced the creation of a $200
million Milton Friedman Institute, an economic research center devoted to
continuing and augmenting the Friedman legacy, a controversy erupted. More
than 100 faculty members signed a letter of protest. "The effects of the
neoliberal global order that has been put in place in recent decades,
strongly buttressed by the Chicago School of Economics, have by no means
been unequivocally positive," the letter states. "Many would argue that they
have been negative for much of the world's population."

When Friedman died in 2006, such bold critiques of his legacy were largely
absent. The adoring memorials spoke only of grand achievement, with one of
the more prominent appreciations appearing in the New York Times—written by
Austan Goolsbee. Yet now, just two years later, Friedman's name is seen as a
liability even at his own alma mater. So why has Obama chosen this moment,
when all illusions of a consensus have dropped away, to go Chicago retro?

The news is not all bad. Furman claims he will be drawing on the expertise
of two Keynesian economists: Jared Bernstein of the Economic Policy
Institute and James Galbraith, son of Friedman's nemesis John Kenneth
Galbraith. Our "current economic crisis," Obama recently said, did not come
from nowhere. It is "the logical conclusion of a tired and misguided
philosophy that has dominated Washington for far too long."

True enough. But before Obama can purge Washington of the scourge of
Friedmanism, he has some ideological housecleaning of his own to do.

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