and who is the author of this great Communist Manifesto of Harrison

On Fri, Sep 5, 2008 at 10:51 AM, anil tharayath <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>wrote:

>
> Friends
> found this article circulating on the net.............
>
> Another spokesperson for the party. I have a feeling that now a days
> teachers/ professors in Kerala are teaching the malayalam version of
> CPI(M) manifesto
>
>
> Chengara Land Struggle: A conspiracy that apparently precedes another
> Nandigram
>
>
> A grand conspiracy is being contemplated by certain elements owing
> allegiance to religious forces along with Naxal-Maoist groups in
> Kerala to thwart the historic efforts of the ruling LDF Govt. to
> provide the downtrodden sections with land and houses, on a massive
> scale. That it is a conspiracy has become clearer of late with several
> reports on the real endowments of the so-called landless activists of
> the Chengara strike coming out. There are telling evidences to
> substantiate that these unlawful act of encroachment is aided and
> abetted by imperialist forces in collusion with the anti left forces
> mentioned above. However, in elite media and among the liberal
> intellectual circles, it is being deliberately portrayed as a landmark
> struggle for land reforms, redistribution of excess land and ever so
> many other radical transformations in Kerala. This section of the
> media leaves no opportunity to celebrate this incident as an
> indication of some grave crises in the agrarian sector in Kerala and
> that it is going to be a harbinger of greater changes in agrarian
> relations, something that a CPI (M) refuses to implement. They try to
> accuse the CPI (M) of anti peasant and anti working class attitudes by
> citing Chengara strike as a symbol of its subjugation to the rich and
> influential sections of the society. This is evidently a distorted
> version of the affair that deserves to be refuted.  It is nothing but
> a premeditated attempt to tarnish the face of the LDF government and
> the CPI(M).
>
> The Chengara agitation was started on August 3, 2007, by two
> organizations that claim to be of dalits and adivasis under the common
> banner of Chengara bhoosamara aikyavedi samathi, for grabbing and
> distributing the land of Harrison plantation, Chengara, Pathanamthitta
> District. Now, almost about a year since then, the agitators have
> literally seized the area rendering hundreds of plantation workers
> jobless. The agitation was initiated under the guise of an innocent
> demand for land for the landless dalits. The occasion of launching the
> struggle is particularly significant since it was the time when the
> LDF government had emphasized its resolve to grab all the unlawful
> possessions of the land mafia across the state. It is widely known
> that the LDF government is seriously pursuing this with a view to
> create a land bank, which could be duly distributed to dalits,
> adivasis and other landless people. As we understand it clearly now,
> the agitation has other intentions, much greater and far-reaching than
> what they say. They intend to divert the attention of the public from
> the visionary steps taken by the government and attract a section of
> apolitical intellectuals towards a non-issue to create chaos and
> unrest in the state. The initial steps of the struggle somehow or the
> other resemble the covert sprout of a Nandigram model debacle.
>
> One of the startling observations regarding this struggle is that
> these organizations receive substantial monetary assistance from
> several domestic and foreign agencies such as the Ford foundation,
> USA. This struggle would have been justifiable if the LDF government
> had shown an iota of aversion to the cause of landless dalits and
> adivasis in the state. In fact, the LDF government has already
> announced its commitment to the concerns of the poor and initiated
> many a landmark decision to safeguard the interests of the landless.
> One major step towards this direction has been the unprecedented
> resolve to find out all illegal possessions of the land mafia as
> stated earlier. This has been widely acclaimed as the most daring step
> a government could ever take. No UDF government has attempted it
> before. Since comprehensive land reforms have already been enacted in
> the state, the second stage would be to ensure land and house for all,
> particularly the poor. The LDF government has been largely successful
> in cracking down the land mafia and grabbing unlawful possessions,
> without letting these steps go into irresolvable legal complexities.
>
> When a government, which is unambiguously committed to such serious
> concerns rules the state, why should someone come out with a struggle
> on such a non-issue?
>
> It is in this context, we doubt the intentions of the Chengara
> struggle, which is sponsored by forces of dubious backgrounds with the
> support of Naxals and Maoists. Though there had been constant attempts
> to provoke the police and create untoward incidents, which could flare
> up, the government has maintained exemplary restraint and foiled the
> efforts of the samara samithi. The agitating groups now show signs of
> disintegration as evinced by the several voices of dissent from within
> the group. Initially, followers were enticed by assuring that each one
> would get five acres of land if they contributed Rs 1500-3000 to the
> organizers of the struggle. Many people, even from neighbouring
> districts had ventured to participate in the struggle in response to
> this promise. Interestingly, almost every one of them has own land and
> home. Now, with the realization that it is a dream quite unlikely to
> be materialized, most of them have lost faith in the intentions of the
> leadership and the agitation is gradua lly subsiding.
>
> The socio economic profile of the participants of the struggle is
> testimony to the wicked intentions of its sponsors. While the struggle
> proclaims to be a genuine response of the landless poor to get
> endowments for minimum subsistence, most of the participants own
> assets worth more than minimal. For instance, Thankamma, an active
> participant of the struggle owns a house in her 20 cents of land as a
> beneficiary of the housing project of the Grama Panchayat. Nany,
> another participant has 10 cents and a house. Recently she has bought
> five more cents. Karunakaran owns 40 cents and is well off. Thankappan
> has sent her wife to the gulf and lives comfortably in his own house.
> While Ammini, unit president of the samara samithi has her own house,
> Valia Karuppel Sasi, unit secretary of the samara vedi has two houses
> in his possession. Kunju Pillai, another ardent participant has 1.5
> acre, adjacent to Chengara estate. His two sons have also their own
> houses. Soman reached the agitation camp leaving his house locked. He
> has built this house with the financial assistance from a housing
> project of the Block Panchayat. He had motivated people in his
> neighborhood to join the struggle by promising each one five acres of
> land. His children now stay with his brother. Soman who is a rubber
> tapper left his job in anticipation of getting five-acre land and Rs
> 50000, as reported by him. Konthanalil Sasi who has motivated many
> people to participate in the struggle is the beneficiary of
> Janakeeyasoothranam, the people's plan programme that provided him
> with a house. He is alleged to have collected money from these people.
> Similarly, several participants are beneficiaries of some or the other
> developmental projects of the government or the local body.
> Poovallimuruppel Bose, who owns 30 cents haS built his house with the
> help of SC Development Corporation, also participates in the struggle
> for more land and money. Kallungal Kunjukunju is a beneficiary of SC
> Corporation and he owns two houses and 35 cents of land. About two
> dozen people of Chittar in Ranni assembly constituency also camp at
> Chengara to participate in this struggle. This list is not complete.
>
> However, it would be queer to look at the case of the agitation's most
> vigorous leader Laha Gopalan, who spearheads the movement. Gopalan, a
> retired employee of the KSEB has one acre and nine cents at
> Aruvappulam Panchayat (survey No.540/1/1/328, 540/11/328/130). He says
> that he bought it with the money he got in connection with his
> superannuation in the KSEB, which amounted to Rs. 4 lakhs. When the
> credentials of the leaders were exposed, one of the women leaders
> Thattail Saraswathy resigned from the organisation. She also owns 1.5
> acre arable land which she bought by taking loan from SC Corporation.
> Paradoxically, while 90 % of the agitators have either home or land,
> 70 % of the plantation workers, who have lost job since the agitation,
> have neither home nor land. Recent interpretations of the ultra left
> groups and left liberal intellectuals argue that the plantation
> workers should also join the strike and grab the land. The
> participants of the agitation unscrupulously tap the rubber trees and
> sell out latex worth thousands of rupees to meet their huge expenses.
> Moreover, fearing a setback, the organizers of the agitation forcibly
> prevents the participants who have decided to dissociate with the
> struggle from going out of the camp in the estate.  Those who fall
> sick are also not allowed to leave the place and be treated. The
> organizers fear that if people were allowed to leave, they would leave
> the agitation altogether, and forever.
>
> However, the forces that have fuelled this spiteful campaign have not
> conceded defeat. Bolstered by rich funding sources, there are all-out
> efforts to rekindle the lost vigour and revive the struggle. A section
> of the media is still creating confusion among the public through
> contorted interpretations. They try to establish that the government
> of Kerala is not responsive to the clamour of poor dalits. Moreover,
> several questions as to whether the CPI (M) has departed from its
> inherent ideological positions have also been raised. On the contrary,
> they have neither bothered to acknowledge the foreign aid that the
> agitation receives nor tried to condemn the impropriety of such an
> action against a government with favourable attitude to their demands.
>
> That the agitation has foreign connection became evident when the
> Israeli youth spotted at Chengara revealed on interrogation by police
> that he works for the Israeli peace movement tiblin, which is now
> under the surveillance of RAW and he is an activist of Global
> Democracy, a World Bank organisation. Deshabhimani, the CPI(M) daily,
> unearthed the foreign connection in the agitation. In fact, the sadhu
> jana vimochana samyuktha vedi leads the struggle at the behest of two
> organizations, one based at Delhi and the other at Thiruvalla, Kerala.
> These organizations have been at the forefront of the issue right from
> the beginning. They purposely internationalized the agitation to
> spread canards against the LDF Govt across the world. They are eager
> to blow the issue out of proportion and ascribe ideological and human
> rights dimensions to the incident. They also spread pre-mediated
> stories on ''atrocities'' against dalit women by the local trade union
> activists and estate workers, which is a damn lie. Solidarity- an
> organisation that supports the agitation- in its publication viz.
> "update collective" made an appeal to the funding agencies to provide
> financial aid to a great social movement involving 45,000 poor
> families who are desperately struggling to get land and house in
> Kerala. They had also furnished addresses and phone numbers to send
> money. A website of the Dalit Foundation says that in Kerala, they
> give donations to Navachethana. New York based Ford Foundation is one
> of the international agencies that finance Chengara agitation. Human
> Rights Foundation, another organisation that help the struggle
> receives money from several European agencies and the World Christian
> Council. Delhi based Dalit Forum have openly admitted that they have
> close liaison with Dynamic Action, the agency which spearheads the
> agitation against the LDF Govt. Kerala Home Minister Kodiyeri
> Balakrishnan has expressed the doubt that Chengara agitation is
> thriving on money from abroad, considering the methods of the
> struggle.
>
> It is noteworthy that unlike what had happened at Muthanga during the
> UDF regime, the Government of Kerala exercises exemplary restraint in
> handling the agitation. It has never tried to forcibly remove the
> protestors from the estate. The LDF, led by the CPI (M) seeks to deal
> with the issue pragmatically by offering land to all the landless and
> the poor in the state as a matter of its committed policy. LDF
> convener Vaikkom viswan observes that the sole aim of Chengara
> agitation is to defeat the efforts of LDF govt. to distribute land to
> dalits and adivasis. The Chief Minister has reiterated his commitment
> to grab unlawful possessions from the land mafia as early as possible
> and distribute them to the poor. In spite of all these promises,
> proven repeatedly through daring steps, the Chengara struggle is still
> on, to malign a progressive and pro poor government. Its intentions
> are dubious and do not have any justification, ideologically. Rather,
> it marks a political maneuver that apparently precedes another
> Nandigram.
>
>
> --
> "There are more ideas on earth than intellectuals imagine. And these
> ideas are more active, stronger, more resistant, more passionate than
> ''politicians'' think. We have to be there at the birth of ideas, the
> bursting outward of their force: not in books expressing them, but in
> events manifesting this force, in struggles carried on around ideas,
> for or against them. Ideas do not rule the world. But it is because
> the world has ideas... that it is not passively ruled by those who are
> its leaders or those who would like to teach it, once and for all,
> what it must think" - Foucault
>
> ANIL
>
> Anil Tharayath Varghese
> National Centre for Advocacy Studies
> Serenity Complex, Ramnagar Colony
> Pashan, Pune 21
> Phone - 02022952003/4
> Mobile - 09890387877
> email - [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
> >
>

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