Naomi Klein's Latest Column

*Free Market Ideology is Far from Finished*
by Naomi Klein
September 19, 2008

Whatever the events of this week mean, nobody should believe the overblown
claims that the market crisis signals the death of "free market" ideology.
Free market ideology has always been a servant to the interests of capital,
and its presence ebbs and flows depending on its usefulness to those
interests.

During boom times, it's profitable to preach laissez faire, because an
absentee government allows speculative bubbles to inflate. When those
bubbles burst, the ideology becomes a hindrance, and it goes dormant while
big government rides to the rescue. But rest assured: the ideology will come
roaring back when the bailouts are done. The massive debts the public is
accumulating to bail out the speculators will then become part of a global
budget crisis that will be the rationalization for deep cuts to social
programs, and for a renewed push to privatize what is left of the public
sector. We will also be told that our hopes for a green future are, sadly,
too costly.

What we don't know is how the public will respond. Consider that in North
America, everybody under the age of 40 grew up being told that the
government can't intervene to improve our lives, that government is the
problem not the solution, that laissez faire was the only option. Now, we
are suddenly seeing an extremely activist, intensely interventionist
government, seemingly willing to do whatever it takes to save investors from
themselves.

This spectacle necessarily raises the question: if the state can intervene
to save corporations that took reckless risks in the housing markets, why
can't it intervene to prevent millions of Americans from imminent
foreclosure? By the same token, if $85bn can be made instantly available to
buy the insurance giant AIG, why is single-payer health care – which would
protect Americans from the predatory practices of health-care insurance
companies – seemingly such an unattainable dream? And if ever more
corporations need taxpayer funds to stay afloat, why can't taxpayers make
demands in return – like caps on executive pay, and a guarantee against more
job losses?

Now that it's clear that governments can indeed act in times of crises, it
will become much harder for them to plead powerlessness in the future.
Another potential shift has to do with market hopes for future
privatizations. For years, the global investment banks have been lobbying
politicians for two new markets: one that would come from privatizing public
pensions and the other that would come from a new wave of privatized or
partially privatized roads, bridges and water systems. Both of these dreams
have just become much harder to sell: Americans are in no mood to trust more
of their individual and collective assets to the reckless gamblers on Wall
Street, especially because it seems more than likely that taxpayers will
have to pay to buy back their own assets when the next bubble bursts.

With the World Trade Organization talks off the rails, this crisis could
also be a catalyst for a radically alternative approach to regulating world
markets and financial systems. Already, we are seeing a move towards "food
sovereignty" in the developing world, rather than leaving access to food to
the whims of commodity traders. The time may finally have come for ideas
like taxing trading, which would slow speculative investment, as well as
other global capital controls.

And now that nationalization is not a dirty word, the oil and gas companies
should watch out: someone needs to pay for the shift to a greener future,
and it makes most sense for the bulk of the funds to come from the highly
profitable sector that is most responsible for our climate crisis. It
certainly makes more sense than creating another dangerous bubble in carbon
trading.

But the crisis we are seeing calls for even deeper changes than that. The
reason these junk loans were allowed to proliferate was not just because the
regulators didn't understand the risk. It is because we have an economic
system that measures our collective health based exclusively on GDP growth.
So long as the junk loans were fuelling economic growth, our governments
actively supported them. So what is really being called into question by the
crisis is the unquestioned commitment to growth at all costs. Where this
crisis should lead us is to a radically different way for our societies to
measure health and progress.

None of this, however, will happen without huge public pressure placed on
politicians in this key period. And not polite lobbying but a return to the
streets and the kind of direct action that ushered in the New Deal in the
1930s. Without it, there will be superficial changes and a return, as
quickly as possible, to business as usual.

*This article first appeared on *The
Guardian<http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/sep/19/marketturmoil.usa>
.

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