"Lincoln, too, believed in colonization. Speaking to a group of black
dignitaries in 1862, he argued that blacks and whites could never live
together harmoniously and said: "If this be admitted, it affords a reason at
least why we should be separated.'' He argued for colonization in a
preliminary version of the Emancipation Proclamation, which began
circulating that same year. But the passage was dropped from the final
version after Lincoln failed to find political support for it.
The proclamation was a tactical military document, forged in heat of the
Civil War, that was intended to improve the Union's chance of winning. It
ended slavery in the states that were in rebellion, while preserving it the
border states that had sided with the Union and other areas that were under
Union control. Even so, the final document (pdf) allowed that emancipation
was "an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution.''
Slavery was abolished with the ratification of 13th Amendment in 1865. But
it took another 100 years — and more work by a subsequent set of Founders —
before black Americans and women could fully claim the rights articulated in
the founding documents."

-


[It is highly instructive that in his victory speech Obama elected to
narrate modern American history in terms of the experiences of a Black woman
suffering discrimination on both the counts of being a woman and a Black and
flagging the milestones on the way to Change, highlighting the need to go
much further - reminding the audience of the long way ahead and the
steepness of the climb.
He also pointedly drew attention to the oppressive history of slavery.

The ringing signature tune was of course: Yes, We Can! (Yes, We've Done!
Yes, We're To Do So Much More!)]


http://theboard.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/11/07/savoring-the-undertones-and-lingering-subtleties-of-obamas-victory-speech/

November 7, 2008, 4:55 pm
*Savoring the Undertones and Lingering Subtleties of Obama's Victory Speech
*By Brent Staples

Like many great orations, Barack Obama's victory speech on Tuesday night was
deceptively simple. As powerful as it was to hear, the hidden complexities
and import of the president-elect's words surface only after we re-read the
text and think back on the moment.
A confirmed fan of Abraham Lincoln, Mr. Obama drew on another flawless
speech, the Gettysburg Address (pdf) ("a government of the people, by the
people and for the people has not perished from the earth"), while also
celebrating both the inherited majesty of the Democratic process and his own
achievement — the broad coalition that elected him.
He echoed Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. ( "the arc of the moral universe is
long, but it bends toward justice'') when he praised the electorate for
rejecting the rhetoric of fear and for " put[ting] their hands on the arc of
history and bend[ing] it once more toward the hope of a better day.''
But this remarkable speaker had more on his mind than classical citations.
Woven through his address was nothing less than an attempt to broaden the
meaning of America's founding documents - and its living democracy - by
expanding the list of the people who come to mind when Americans think of
"the Founders.''
This mission is evident in the opening stanza:
If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where
all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our Founders is
alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight
is your answer.
By this he meant to include the many men and women — Susan B. Anthony,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Sojourner Truth, Ida B. Wells, Frederick Douglass,
Martin Luther King — who have worked and sometimes died in the fight to
extend the full rights of citizenship to people (African-American and
female) who were initially denied them. He implicitly credited these women's
rights and civil rights giants with working to create a more perfect union.
In other words, he was including the white fathers — but not only them.
The speech recognized Thomas Jefferson and the framers of the Constitution.
It leaned heavily on Lincoln, who orchestrated a second founding by
reuniting a sundered nation through the Civil War and pointing the country
toward the abolition of slavery.
Still, Mr. Obama knows full well that neither Jefferson nor Lincoln ever
"dreamed" of an America in which a person of African descent would ascend to
the highest office in the land.
Jefferson, like many of his most influential contemporaries, hewed to the
idea that black people would be forever set apart from their fellow
citizens. Had it been in his power, black slaves would have been trained,
set free, and sent to live apart in Africa or the West Indies.
Virginians took this notion seriously. Seven years after Jefferson's death,
for example, the state legislature conducted a special census to determine
if free people of color would agree to leave the state and be resettled in
Africa. Among the Negroes who declined to go were Jefferson's long-time
slave and lover Sally Hemings and Jefferson's two Negro sons, Madison and
Eston Hemings.
Paradoxically, Sally, Madison and Eston Hemings had more white than black
ancestry — and had actually been counted as free white people in a previous
census. But like many people of color in that period, they found that
membership in the majority was tenuous and easily revoked. Leaving Virginia
for Ohio after their mother's death, Madison and Eston found their rights as
citizens increasingly curtailed.
Lincoln, too, believed in colonization. Speaking to a group of black
dignitaries in 1862, he argued that blacks and whites could never live
together harmoniously and said: "If this be admitted, it affords a reason at
least why we should be separated.'' He argued for colonization in a
preliminary version of the Emancipation Proclamation, which began
circulating that same year. But the passage was dropped from the final
version after Lincoln failed to find political support for it.
The proclamation was a tactical military document, forged in heat of the
Civil War, that was intended to improve the Union's chance of winning. It
ended slavery in the states that were in rebellion, while preserving it the
border states that had sided with the Union and other areas that were under
Union control. Even so, the final document (pdf) allowed that emancipation
was "an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution.''
Slavery was abolished with the ratification of 13th Amendment in 1865. But
it took another 100 years — and more work by a subsequent set of Founders —
before black Americans and women could fully claim the rights articulated in
the founding documents.
That claim had yet to be fully exercised in the summer of 1963, when Dr.
King delivered the "I Have a Dream Speech" at the March On Washington.
As Dr. King said at the time:
When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the
Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a
promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a
promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be
guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of
Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this
promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of
honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad
check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
Some listeners heard hints of grandiosity in Mr. Obama's assertion that this
election proved that "the dream of our Founders is alive in our time.'' But
he was clearly referring to the founding ideals as they were improved upon
and transfused through subsequent generations of founders who, like King,
worked toward the "more perfect union" that Lincoln himself had talked
about.
Mr. Obama's moment would not have been possible without the interventions of
those latter-day founders.

Peace Is Doable

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