Beyond bullet-proof vests —J Sri Raman
Questions did need to be asked about the protective gear that failed its
purpose. But the idea seemed to be to avoid posers of a certain political kind.
The bullet-proof vest did serve to make the coverage 'politics-proof' - that
is, protected from the sort of politics that did not sync with the
pseudo-patriotic presentation of the nightmarish news
A recurring image through the marathon television coverage of the three days
that shook Mumbai — and India — was that of a top police officer putting on his
bullet-proof vest and helmet before going into action.
Hemant Karkare, head of the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) of the State of
Maharashtra, died in action. He was shot in the chest more than once, according
to reports not refuted so far. Commentators have waxed rightly indignant since
then about the vest that could not withstand bullets.
Far less has been made of the fact that Karkare headed the ATS investigation
into the Malegaon blasts case, or that two members of his team had fallen to
terrorist bullets. The investigation had led to the discovery of, and much
debate over, the so-designated "Hindutva terror".
Earlier, it had been argued that the Parivar (the Far Right "family") could
conduct a pogrom in Gujarat or a crusade against Christians in Orissa, but keep
away from bombs and sophisticated guns. The blasts, which killed 57 in Malegaon
in Maharashtra, however, seemed to explode the myth. Karkare had, consequently,
been the target of an angry campaign by the Parivar, including the Bharatiya
Janata Party.
The last case in Karkare's long career, for most of which he carried no
political label, was noted, but the media was quick to move in. With the BJP
paying a tribute to the officer, the hatchet was presumed to have been buried.
No questions were asked about any possible connection between the case and the
cruel tragedy, and none about the future course of the investigation.. It was
all treated as a minor episode in the Mumbai event, though he was the most
prominent public figure among the victims.
Questions did need to be asked about the protective gear that failed its
purpose. But the idea seemed to be to avoid posers of a certain political kind.
The bullet-proof vest did serve to make the coverage 'politics-proof' — that
is, protected from the sort of politics that did not sync with the
pseudo-patriotic presentation of the nightmarish news.
Like the 'anti-politician' elite campaign unleashed in Mumbai's wake, in other
words, the blitz over the bullet-proof vest, too, is politics by other means.
The contempt for elected politicians is also contempt for electoral politics.
The preoccupation with the bullet-ridden vest of Karkare and his companions
would appear designed to distort the debate on the meaning of Mumbai or Mumbais.
Substandard vests and helmets did not cause the terror strike, and a recurrence
of the tragedy cannot be averted by their upgrading alone. Rifles of the
"Second World War vintage", as experts describe them, are not a major reason
why the tide of terrorism is proving hard to resist.
There has been much criticism of the gaps in security along India's
7,000-km-long coastline. Even if astronomical outlays are available for a
programme to close all the gaps, it will be no guarantee against terrorism that
has its origin in terra firma.
Reams have been written, and a billion sound bytes broadcast, about the
tech-savvy terrorists of Mumbai, with their Global Positioning System (GPS)
guides and mobiles carrying the most undetectable messages. The media is
attempting popular manuals on matching and overtaking the militants in this
regard. If counter-terrorism were only an Internet game, however, India might
have won it already.
The secret of successful counter-terrorism lies, it should be clear by now, in
the identification of its socio-political causes and providing the country and
its people bullet-and-bomb- proof security on that basis. A most disturbing
consequence of Mumbai is a perceptible decline in the standard of public
discourse about terrorism. Even the lip service that used to be paid to the
larger aspect of the problem of terrorism is almost totally absent now.
The political consequences of Mumbai have so far been confined to a shuffle of
personalities and posts. Shivraj Patil, assailed for changing his attire thrice
on the day of the Delhi serial blasts of September, has lost his job as the
Union Home Minister — and we have not been told that a minister of less
sartorial elegance could have tackled terror better. We can only wonder whether
this is why he has been replaced by former Finance Minister P Chidambaran with
his distinct preference for the South Indian dhoti.
The parts of India which the anti-politician campaigners do not represent have
also been left wondering whether Mumbai will lead to more meaningful action
eventually, at lest after the current series of state-level elections are over.
P.S. This column does not deny credit where it is due. Among the few to speak
out against the anti-politician brigade was — surprise, surprise — BJP leader
Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi. The minority face of the majoritarian party, however,
committed a faux pas.
Said he: "Some women wearing lipstick and powder have taken to the streets in
Mumbai, and are abusing politicians spreading disaffection against democracy...
" He and the rest of the BJP leadership are now running for cover from irate
women's organisations.
Naqvi, however, was only speaking for his party and its Parivar. They have
never spoken up for democracy without denigrating the minorities or women or
some other weaker section.
As Barack Obama said in another context, you cannot put lipstick on this pig!
The writer is a journalist based in Chennai, India. A peace activist, he is
also the author of a sheaf of poems titled At Gunpoint
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