http://www.tehelka.com/story_main41.asp?filename=Ne271208proscons.asp
**
*A Divided Cityscape*
*See how new forms of "camp" and holocaust is taking shape and place. How
the Civil society becomes uncivil in the wake of terror-mania unleashed by
the apologists of State- terror*

*Denying Muslims housing is shaping the city of Surat into 'ours' and
'theirs'*

*TRIDIP SUHRUD*

HOW IS one to understand the decision of the real estate developers and
agents of Surat not to sell or rent houses or commercial properties to
Muslims of the city? "



We want to control the percentage of Muslims with properties and shops in
our areas," was the official explanation of the association that called the
meeting of builders. This, they argued, was a precautionary measure against
Mumbai-like terror attacks and the failed bomb strikes against Surat in
July. No terror attack could be planned or carried out without local
support, they argued. This comes at a time when Muslim groups in the country
have assiduously distanced themselves from the Mumbai terror attack. The
Babri Masjid Action Committee decided not to observe December 6 as a 'black
day', Eid was marked by mourning, and a few months ago, the Darul Uloom at
Deoband had unequivocally declared terror as being un-Islamic.

This could be seen as a public acknowledgement of a process that has been
going on for a long time, not just in Surat or Gujarat but also elsewhere in
the country. Terror is only the upper layer of many deepseated fears, which
include in Gujarat fears of non-vegetarianism. But it is not just an
expression of cultural fear or a communal mindset. It is also a sign of a
newly-emerging cityscape. It is possible to speak of a city as being divided
into 'our' areas and 'their' areas. It conveys a belief that a city can be
conceived as being inhabited by mutually exclusive community groups, with no
interdependence, either in terms of trade and commerce or in the sense of a
shared daily life. It claims that the new city will have no 'public spaces'
but only community specific institutions: separate schools, hospitals,
commercial establishments and also separate underworlds. In this new city,
it is possible to speak in terms of 'boarders.' And as Juhapura in Ahmedabad
would testify, this boarder is not imaginary or pathological. It is real, in
all its brick and mortar materiality. What they hope to create is a city of
'a permanent underclass.'

But it is not only this imagination that drives Surat. Surat was and is an
entrepreneurial city; with diamonds and textiles driving the city's growth.
It is a city that is capable of exemplary civic will, as the post-plague
period in the city's recent past demonstrated. Surat's economic ambitions
are at variance with its desire to create separate enclosures for its
Muslims and Hindus. What they do not recognise is that an entrepreneurial
city cannot survive with a permanent underbelly.

For Surat, it also conveys a deep amnesia about its own history and cultural
moorings. Surat, on the banks of the river Tapi, has been a major trading
port since medieval times. The Arabs, Mughals, Portuguese, English, Dutch
and the French all came to Surat and contributed to its cultural and
architectural imagination, which are still in evidence, if recessive in
memory. Surat was the most cosmopolitan of urban settlements on the west
coast of Gujarat, before the emergence of Mumbai. Surat celebrates its
association with Narmad, the poet, lexicographer and historian of the city,
who gave us the song *"Jay Jay Garvi Gujarat."* Its major university is
named after Narmad. But it also violates Narmad's memory. It was Narmad who
asked the question of "Who does Gujarat belong to?" He listed all the
cultural and religious symbols, communities and caste groups and said that
Gujarat does not belong to anyone of them. He sang that Gujarat belongs to
all those who make Gujarat their home.

If Surat wants to prosper as an entrepreneurial city, it can do so only by
reclaiming its forgotten cosmopolitan character, and not as a city that
seeks the erasure of a large part of its citizenry.

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