*71% Villagers Say There’s High Corruption In Government Welfare Schemes
*
OUTLOOK APRIL 7th 2008

*Outlook* asked Cfore to survey government schemes and partnerships in four
randomly selected districts— Tonk (Rajasthan), Jhansi (Uttar Pradesh),
Rangareddy (Andhra Pradesh), and Saran (Bihar). In all, 1,013  villagers
were surveyed. Not surprisingly, over half of them are not satisfied with
government schemes.     *Jhansi*
 *Ranga
reddy*
 *Saran*
 * Tonk*
 *Over
All*
 *Do you have easy access/knowledge about government’s welfare schemes?*
  Yes  38
  55
  35
  48
  44%
  No  62
  45
  65
  52
  56%
 ------------------------------
 *Are you a beneficiary of government schemes? *  Yes  58
  63
  51
  74
  61%
  No  42
  37
  49
  26
  39%
 ------------------------------
 *If yes, how satisfied are you with government schemes?* Very Satisfied  6
  15
 9  11  10% Somewhat Satisfied  27 45 37 41 38% Dissatisfied  47 30 23 32
33% Very Dissatisfied  20 10  31  16  19%
------------------------------
 *Have you ever paid a bribe to get the benefits from a welfare scheme?*
 Yes  32 21 30 37 30%  No  68 79 70 63 70%
------------------------------
 *Is there corruption in government welfare schemes?* High Corruption 81 68
71 63 71% Little Corruption 17 25 28 34 25% No Corruption 2 7 1 3 4%
------------------------------
 *Is there a community/private welfare activity in your area? * Yes 17 29 23
36 26% No 25 37 32 26 30% Don't know 58 34 45 38 44%
------------------------------
 *If yes, who is delivering better results?* Community/ private 49 42 36 37
41% Government 21 23 26 22 23% Joint efforts* 23 31 29 28 28% No opinion 7 4
9 13 8% * Collaboration between government and NGOs
------------------------------
 *Does community/private participation in welfare schemes bring more
accountability? * Yes 42 78 48 57 56% No 23 18 10 29 20% Can't say 35 4 42
14 24%
------------------------------
 *Are you willing to pay for community/private schemes or should the
government provide these services?* Yes 57 51 61 63 58% Prefer subsidised/
free services 43 49 39 37 42%
------------------------------
 *Are you satisfied with the development in your area in the past 12 months?
* Yes, very much 4 21 14 18 15% Yes, somewhat 47 51 55 45 49% Not at all 49
28 31 37 20%
------------------------------
 *Methodology*: The survey was conducted between February 20 and March 5,
’08. In all, 10 villages were selected in each district, five within 10 km
of a city/town, and five beyond 10 km. Households were randomly selected. In
addition, there's a booster sample of 30-50 respondents who have been
beneficiaries of at least one government scheme. In all, 1,013 villagers in
the four districts were interviewed using a structured questionnaire.


   Swapan Nayak Armymen are a daily habit for Imphal's residents   MANIPUR *The
Naked Truth*  *Imphal, Manipur*    Jaideep
Mazumdar<http://www.outlookindia.com/author.asp?name=Jaideep+Mazumdar>
  | e-mail | one page format | feedback: send  |   Special Issue: India At
60<http://www.outlookindia.com/archivecontents.asp?fnt=20070820#India%20At%2060>
  Buffeted by lush, picturesque hills, Imphal should have been idyllic. But
the capital of strife-torn Manipur is a city under siege, reeling under the
fallout of nearly three decades of insurgency. The damage is psychological
as well as physical. Nobody ventures out after dusk. Few have the courage to
accept calls on their mobile phones from unknown numbers. All houses have
tall iron gates—to keep out both militants and the Indian security forces.
Fear of coming up against the omnipresent security forces is all-pervasive.
So is disgust at central and state politicians for the corruption,
unemployment, poverty, poor social infrastructure and the absence of even
minimal civic services that marks life in Manipur.

*The security forces still act with impunity, custodial torture and deaths
continue as before. Despite the PM’s promise, the repeal of the AFSPA is
still a distant dream.*

    A close third is the loathing that the people of the state feel for the
numerous militant groups who have done their bit to make life miserable for
them. Underlying all these emotions is cold rage at this daily dose of
injustice and suffering. What provokes the darkest dread here is the Armed
Forces Special Powers
 Act (AFSPA), which gives the Indian army and paramilitary forces like the
Assam Rifles, wide powers to detain people without trial on mere suspicion.
This law has provided cover for men in uniform to torture, maim and kill
people for decades now. The nationwide outrage, and the demand for the
repeal of this draconian act, sparked by the brutal rape and murder of
Thangjam Manorama Devi by Assam Rifles personnel four years ago, has not
changed things; the Manipuri women who stripped naked in a courageous
protest against Assam Rifles may have done so in vain. The security forces
still act with impunity, custodial torture and deaths continue as before.
The demand for the repeal of the AFSPA continues to resonate loudly
throughout Manipur, as well, but people have little hope that it will
happen. "When the prime minister came here after my sister’s death, he
promised this act would go. But he did not live up to his promise. If he can
go back on his word, what can we expect from the Indian state?" asks
Thangjam Dolendra, brother of the slain Manorama. "India does not care for
us" is a sentiment that resounds through this town. "Can the security forces
treat people of any other state in ‘mainland’ India as they treat us?" is
the angst and hurt-filled question hurled at me by theatre personality and
Padmashri awardee Heisnam Kanhailal. Yambem Laba, director of the Jawaharlal
Nehru Manipur Dance Academy, cites the recent example of a middle-ranking
army officer flagging down a convoy, to verify the state health minister’s
credentials. "Can this happen anywhere else in India?" he asks. Brozendra
Ningomba, editor of a popular local daily, is often detained and
interrogated by army and paramilitary patrols on his way back home at night
from office. While the rest of the country celebrates sixty years of
freedom, for the people of Manipur, August 15 only translates into
heightened security—and greater harassment.




   Tribhuvan Tiwari Weighed down A child being measured in Malgozha
village   UTTAR
PRADESH *Hungry Tidings*  *Malgozha, Bulandshahr district*    Anjali
Puri<http://www.outlookindia.com/author.asp?name=Anjali+Puri>
  | e-mail | one page format | feedback: send -
read<http://www.outlookindia.com/rantsmag.asp?fodname=20070820&fname=KShadowlands&sid=2>
 |   Special Issue: India At
60<http://www.outlookindia.com/archivecontents.asp?fnt=20070820#India%20At%2060>
Attached to each malnourished little body is a charming name. Gudiya’s
daughter, Sofia, with her sad, pointed face, looking far smaller than her
eight months. Ten-month-old Javed, prone to frequent bouts of vomiting and
diarrhoea, gaunt eight-year-old Sheba. Welcome to Malgozha and its children.
In Delhi, doctors worry that children are overweight. In Malgozha, just 100
km and a two-hour drive away, child after child, crying unattended on a
charpoy, slung casually against her sister’s hip, or playing naked in muddy
pools of monsoon water, is painfully underweight. But no one seems to worry.
Malgozha falls in Bulandshahr district, by no means one of Uttar Pradesh’s
poorest. Yet, according to the government’s District Level Household Survey
on Reproductive and Child Health (2002-2004), this district has among the
highest percentages of moderately and severely underweight children in the
0-6 years age group. A Muslim-populated village where most families live off
an acre of land and some cattle, Malgozha is, local NGOs say, one of its
worst-off settlements.
A lethal combination of maternal helplessness and state indifference has
made Malgozha’s infants too thin and small. Mothers, many of whom have had
several children in quick succession, and look weak, harassed and distracted
themselves, don’t appear to know that children need regular amounts of
nourishing food while being weaned off breast milk; that without this
critical intervention, they are exposing their kids to recurring sickness
and faltering growth. Ask Nazima what she feeds her children: her vague
answer, and that of too many women here, is, *chai aur thodi si roti*.
In theory, the state rescues its mothers and their children from such
debilitating ignorance through the tentacles of the Integrated Child
Development Services. The ICDs programme tells mothers how to care for their
young children, what to feed them, what to do when they get diarrhoea,
provides mothers and children with nutritional supplements, monitors their
health, runs balwadis for little kids. It delivers these services at the
village level through anganwadi workers. Every community of a 1,000 people
should have one. That’s the theory.
Now, the practice. Malgozha, home to 318 families and as many as 545
children under 5, has never seen an anganwadi; its children have never been
weighed, their health is not monitored, their mothers are not counselled,
nobody gets any supplements. The ostensible reason: there is no Class X pass
woman in the community available to run an anganwadi. Shama Parveen, a class
IX pass woman, is ready, willing, and by all local accounts, able. Her
application was turned down. And that was it—no other woman, from a nearby
village or town, was found to run an anganwadi in a village only a few
kilometres away from the bustling pottery town of Khurja.
The health bureaucracy does find its way here to put polio drops into young
mouths—thanks to the national and international muscle behind polio
eradication. But it retreats when its job is done, apparently oblivious to
sunken eyes and protruding stomachs. Malgozha helps to explain why India has
the world’s largest number of underweight children under 5—a staggering 57
million.


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