--- On Sat, 14/3/09, Shiva Shankar 
> To: 
> Date: Saturday, 14 March, 2009, 8:35 AM
> 
> '... One question often visits my mind. Why Ataturk Kamal
> Pasha of Turkey could carry out the modernization agenda of
> the Turkish society steeped in medieval and feudal ethos and
> mores and engaged in practicing myriads of socio-religious
> evils, in a matter of few months, but, why the leaders of
> free India, most notably Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, could not
> even take up the socio-religious agenda for the
> modernization of Indian society? ...'
> 
> http://www.countercurrents.org/yadav100309.htm
> 
> Tilak - Nehru - Prachanda.
> 
> By Ashok Yadav
> 
> 10 March, 2009, Countercurrents.org
> 
> 'Political radical and social Tory' is the phrase Dr.Bhim
> Rao Ambedkar used in his famous polemic work 'What Congress
> and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables' to describe Bal
> Gangadhar Tilak, the great nationalist leader, whose slogan
> 'freedom is our birthright' reverberated throughout the anti
> British freedom struggle of India and who suffered intense
> torture in the British gaol for opposing British rule in
> India, but who was in equal measure, also a social
> reactionary. Dr. Ambedkar, who too was a Marathi like Tilak,
> had great respect for Tilak for the inspiring courage and
> forbearance he showed for his political convictions but
> resented his socio-religious views which was out and out
> reactionary and hindered India's social progress.
> Dr.Ambedkar wrote that India abounded with political
> radicals and social tories like Tilak. It was Tilak whose
> hard status quoist position on social issues and rabid
> temperament did not allow the 1905 Social Conference in
> Poona (the home town of Tilak) to take place, which had till
> then been held as regular feature simultaneously at the same
> venue with the annual conference of Indian National
> Congress. In fact Tilak had threatened to burn the 'pandal'
> of the Social Conference. The Social Conference used to
> discuss the social decay of India and how to revitalize
> India's social life which was rotting and stinking. Child
> marriage, illiteracy, female education, widow's remarriage,
> untouchability, socio-religious taboos connected with
> obnoxious caste system, socio-religious reforms etc. were
> the topics that were hotly debated in these conferences.
> 
> Slowly the debate began to acquire a critical tone against
> India's, particularly Hindu's, religious and social
> traditions and the role of priestly caste in preserving
> these socio-religious evils. This alerted the extremist
> Poona Brahmins who had already been severely and
> uncompromisingly criticized and held responsible for India's
> social decay by Jotiba Phule (of the same Poona), widely
> held as the modern India's first social revolutionary.
> Tilak, himself a chitpawan brahmin, represented the social
> reactionaries of Poona and so took a position against the
> Social Conference. This had a lasting effect as the Social
> Conference so thwarted from taking place in 1905 in Poona
> never took place again anywhere in country and the agenda of
> socio-religious reforms, progress and change that was
> growing in the womb of Social Conferences was aborted
> without any hope of reconception till the first decade of
> twenty first century i.e. the time location of this
> article.
> 
> Of course, India does have the agenda of socio-religious
> transformation but that has been propagated by the
> marginalized castes and that seems far away from being
> realized in near or not so distant future because of India's
> ruling castes' antipathy towards this agenda. But in the
> Social Conferences it was India's privileged castes that
> were debating India's socio-religious evils and, therefore,
> there was a hope. But Tilak's intransigence chased away the
> liberal minded leaders of privileged castes from the agenda
> of socio-religious reforms and transformation and created a
> situation which made India's independence from the British
> occupation the sole preoccupation of India's nationalists
> belonging to traditional dominant castes. All the talks of
> socio-religious reforms were set aside by the subsequent
> leaders of Indian National Congress on the plea that India's
> independence from the British occupation was of paramount
> importance and the agenda of socio-religious reforms might
> be postponed till attainment of freedom. For the dwija
> leaders of Indian National Congress the agenda of
> socio-religious reforms and transformation were
> controversial as it 'divided' the people.
> 
> The leaders of marginalized sections like Narayana Guru,
> E.V. Ramaswami Naikar Periyar, Dr.. Ambedkar and numerous
> other leaders unlike the leaders of Indian National Congress
> made socio-religious liberation of Shudra and Ati Shudra
> their main concern but their struggle could not become the
> mainstream of India's political life. It was hoped that
> leaders of free India would set right the historical wrong
> committed by Tilak in not allowing the Social Conference to
> take place in 1905 in Poona. But as it turned out, the plea
> of dwija leaders of Indian National Congress to postpone the
> socio-religious agenda in favour of the 'larger goal' of
> freedom struggle was mere pretence to sidetrack the agenda
> of socio-religious reforms. The leaders of free India who
> assumed power on attainment of freedom did not show any
> interest to fulfill the promise of taking up the cause of
> socio-religious reforms. Whether it was Pandit Jawaharlal
> Nehru, the first prime minister and a Brahmin by caste or
> Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the first president and a non-brahmin
> upper caste, they all showed their inclination to preserve
> the rotten traditions by default or by scheme. The phrase
> that Dr. Ambedkar used to describe Tilak could now be
> appropriately applied to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru who was
> like Tilak a political radical but surrendered meekly to the
> social 'tories' of free India. The end result of complete
> neglect of the agenda of socio-religious reforms by the
> ruling elites is there for all to see.
> 
> Everything that was practiced in India hundred or two
> hundred years ago or even earlier in the name of social and
> religious traditions is still practiced sporadically or
> widely in some forms or other. A country that sends
> satellite in earth's orbit, tests atomic bombs, extracts
> electricity from atomic power, is called super power in
> information technology, where billionaires are multiplying,
> whose big industry houses are turning multinationals, is
> called the world's largest democracy, is also the country,
> where half of the world's total population of illiterates
> reside, widow remarriage is still not prevalent, child
> marriages are still practiced, innocent lonely women are
> tortured or killed for practicing 'witchcraft', marriages
> are inconceivable outside caste boundaries unless one
> revolts against it, dowry system has ravaged the social
> life, dalits are wantonly killed because of low social
> status, sati is still glorified not only in the dark lanes
> of rural India but also in the national media and hundreds
> of such socio-religious evils are routinely practiced
> without any shame.
> 
> Who are the people who practice these obnoxious
> socio-religious evils and due to such practice have become
> the wretched of the earth without any hope whatsoever of any
> rejuvenation in their life? They are most particularly the
> shudra and ati shudra who form more than three fourth
> population of India and these socio-religious evils are the
> permanent shackle on their progress. It is not without
> reason that India's ruling elites have systematically kept
> these socio-religious evils in preservation and not carried
> any drive against these evils. Since the caste system is an
> essential feature of Hinduism and the caste system is safe
> as long as the shudra and ati shudra are in backward
> conditions of life, these socio-religious evils serve useful
> purpose of keeping the shudra and ati shudra down and out
> and ensuring the hegemony of the dwijas. That is the reason
> why India's ruling caste elites have not shown any interest
> in carrying out the agenda of socio-religious reforms.
> 
> One question often visits my mind. Why Ataturk Kamal Pasha
> of Turkey could carry out the modernization agenda of the
> Turkish society steeped in medieval and feudal ethos and
> mores and engaged in practicing myriads of socio-religious
> evils, in a matter of few months, but, why the leaders of
> free India, most notably Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, a leader
> educated in British schools and colleges and carrying
> impression of Marxism, a volunteer in Spanish Civil War and
> a writer of such celebrated works as Discovery of India and
> Glimpses of World History, could not even take up the
> socio-religious agenda for the modernization of Indian
> society? I think the answer to this question has already
> been hinted at even before posing this one.
> 
> Is the new Nepal i.e. Nepal after the abolition of monarchy
> and coming into power of the Maoist led coalition government
> as an interim government before drafting and adoption of new
> constitution, going the same way as India? It seems like so.
> Unfortunately the phrase coined by Dr Ambedkar to describe
> Tilak and which aptly suited Pandit Nehru may haunt
> Prachanda, the Maoist Prime Minister of Nepal, too, if he
> does not take a corrective measure.
> 
> I have been provoked to draw the similarity among Tilak,
> Nehru and Prachanda after a recent event in Nepal in which
> an eight year old girl was coroneted as living goddess not
> by the common public but by a government appointed trust.
> Earlier the coronation was done by the palace but after the
> abolition of palace the new government of Nepal appointed a
> trust to look after religious matters. It was widely
> believed that the new government would put an end to such
> irrational practices carried out in the name of religion and
> tradition. But the way the things have been compromised in
> the name of 'avoiding controversy' and not hurting the
> 'religious sentiments' of the 'people', a typical communist
> pretence of avoiding the socio-religious issues in Indian
> sub-continent, is ominous for the future of lower caste
> people of new Nepal. The socio-religious evils such as those
> seen in practice in India and Nepal have deep roots in caste
> system which in turn owes its origin to hindu (say
> brahminical) religion. The fight against caste system begins
> with fight against the socio-religious taboos and
> superstitions. The fight for reservation in jobs and
> education is an advanced stage of fight against the caste
> system. The compromise with socio-religious evils is in
> essence a compromise with caste system. It seems that new
> Nepal under the leadership of political radical Prachanda is
> neglecting the agenda of socio-religious reforms and shying
> away from fight against the caste system which in the long
> will prove disastrous for the dalits and other lower castes
> of Nepal. The shudra and ati shudra of Nepal should draw
> lessons from the post independence history of India and
> exercise maximum alertness to ensure that they should not be
> deceived in the manner their Indian brothers and sisters
> were.
> 
> I end this write up with a quotation of Dr Ambedkar from
> the statement he issued when his extremely strenuous efforts
> stretching four and half years to pass Hindu Code Bill in
> the parliament of the new born free India was frustrated by
> the social tories: The Hindu Code was the greatest social
> reform measure ever undertaken by the Legislature in this
> country. No law passed by the Indian Legislature in the past
> or likely to be passed in the future can be compared to it
> in point of its significance. To leave inequality between
> class and class, between sex and sex which is the soul of
> Hindu society untouched and to go on passing legislation
> relating to economic problems is to make a farce of our
> constitution and to build a palace on dung heap.'
> 


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