JUSTICE FOR DALIT MUSLIMS

BY NAUSHAD ANSARI

In response to a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by Akhil Maharashtra
Muslim Khatik Samaj, stating that there were Dalits within Muslim community
who needed reservation and demanded inclusion in the SC list, the Supreme
Court has issued notice to the Centre seeking its reply. Further, the judge
referred to the strict dictates of Quran prohibiting practice of any forms
of caste system within Islam and it asked the petitioner if Islam permitted
caste system. (*Times of India*, Jan. 26, 2008). This observation of the
apex court has initiated a debate whether there is caste system in Islam or
among Muslims? In the DV of March 1, 2008, the Editor has rightly said that
‘Muslim leaders should not oppose quota for Backward Muslims’. The current
debate on the issue in the national and Muslim media establishes the DV
analysis of castes among Muslims. All social scientists agree that though
there is no caste system as much in Islam, the Indian Muslim society did
develop a hierarchical structure by characterizing numerous *biraderis*. The
Quran and the Prophet’s sayings are crystal clear that all human beings are
equal; all are brothers and sisters of each other.

However, some Muslims established superior status for themselves as
*ashraf*or noble on the basis of their foreign descent, while
descendants of
indigenous converts are commonly referred as *ajlaf* or ‘lowly’. Some
Islamic jurists too, deviating from Islamic teachings, in the name of
*kufu*i.e. parity in marriage between the parties, legitimize castes.
Even the
Muslim law of marriage recognizes the doctrine of *kufu* in all vital
respects including social status and descent, which, in India, means nothing
but casteism.

The Sachar Committee Report, on the existence of castes among Indian
Muslims, says:

“the present day Muslim society is divided into four major groups (i) the *
ashrafs*, who trace their origins to foreign lands, (ii) the upper caste
Hindus who converted to Islam, (iii) the middle caste converts whose
occupations are ritually clean, (iv) the converts from the erstwhile
Untouchable castes – *Bhangi *(scavengers), *Mehtar* (sweeper),
*Chamar*(tanner),
*Halalkhor* (Dom) and so on”. (p. 192) On the level of backwardness, the
Sachar report finds that out of every 100 workers about 11 are Hindu OBCs,
three are Muslim-general and only one is Muslim OBC (p. 209), whereas the
population of OBC Muslims is as much as 75% of the total Muslims’
population. Similarly, the Justice Rangnath Misra Commission finds
prevalence of castes among various sections of the Indian citizenry. It
concludes: “The caste is in fact a social phenomenon shared by almost all
Indian communities irrespective of their religious persuasions”. (Para 16.3)

Historically, a good number of Dalits converted to Islam. But after
conversion their socio-economic status remained impoverished, backward and
downtrodden. By joining the fold of Islam they did not get such a boost to
their talents and abilities that they could face equal competition with all
others. They were still treated as Untouchables in the society. Most of them
continued with their traditional professions as artisans, peasants and
labourers, except when it was considered impure or unacceptable in *Shariah*.
Nevertheless, of late, some of these Muslim caste groups got *Islamised*.
They also became organized and given themselves Muslim nomenclatures. They
identified and associated themselves with Islamic personalities. For
example, the butchers designated themselves as Qureshi; the weavers as
Ansari; the tailors as Idrisi; the Bhishtis as Abbasi; the vegetable vendors
as Raeen; the barbers as Salmani; the carpenters and blacksmiths as Saifi
etc.

In a democratic state, each socially identifiable group aspires to see its
face in the development. Millions of Dalit Muslims, who are occupationally
akin to the SCs, demand inclusion in the SC List to enable them to avail the
benefits of reservation.
SHAHABUDDIN OPPOSITION

However, on this issue Muslim leaders are divided. One group demands
reservation for the Muslims as a whole. They argue that the constitution
talks about protective discrimination in the context of class not caste.

Syed Shahabuddin, ex-MP says: “if caste can be interpreted as class, why not
religion; that all Muslims are, socially and educationally, marginalized and
deprived”.

Taking same line, Dr. Abdul Haque Ansari, ex-President of Jamate-Islami, in
his presidential address to the workshop on Sachar Committee Report, called
the categorization of Muslim as ‘bad in taste’. He questions: ‘if the entire
community stands as backward class, where does the question of other
categorization on caste line arise?’

Jamia Nizamia of Andhra Pradesh had issued a *fatwa* against state govt.
move to provide reservations for Muslims on the lines of castes. However
most of the prominent *ulema* of the country, cutting across the lines of
sects and organisations, had sharply reacted against the *fatwa*. Maulana
Syed Ahmed Bukhari of Jama Masjid, Delhi, had declared that the *fatwa* will
harm the interest of the community.
IMTIAZ AHMED SUPPORT

The other group demands caste-based reservation as given in the Indian
constitution. According to Kumar Suresh Singh Report of SCs, there are some
35 Muslim castes that have SC background and engage in occupations
traditionally associated with SCs. They demand that Muslim SCs be included
in the SC category. Their major arguments are that according to the Indian
constitution religion-based reservation is invalid; that if the reservation
will be given to all Muslims, the *ashraf*, who have historically been
forward in all aspects, will corner the benefits of reservation; that if for
endogamy and *khilafat* purpose caste could be criteria, why not for
reservation also; that if Hindu, Sikh and Budhist SCs can be given
reservation, why not Muslim SCs? Advocating this idea Professor Imtiaz Ahmed
of JNU says that ‘en bloc reservation of Muslims is not a viable idea.
Inclusion of Muslim Dalits as OBCs and MBCs makes the most sense’.

*They also argue that all Muslims are equally deprived is incorrect. True,
by and large, Muslims are deprived and face discrimination, but within the
community backward Muslims, including Muslim SCs, are more under-privileged
than ashraf Muslims.*

The Sachar Reports says:

‘the incidence of poverty is highest among Muslim-OBC (38%) followed by
Muslim General (35%)… Overall, the conditions of Muslim-OBCs are worse than
those of Muslim-General …Within the Muslim community a larger percentage of
Muslim OBCs fall in low income category as compared to Muslim-General…Within
Muslims, Muslim-OBCs are slightly lagging behind the Muslim-General in high
income group.’

In its recommendation the report says: “Being at the bottom of the Social
hierarchy, the *arzals* [SCs] are the worst off and need to be handled
separately. It would be most appropriate if they were absorbed in the SC
list or at least in a separate category”.
PRESIDENTIAL ORDER MISCHIEF

Justice Misra Commission also says that ‘the caste system should be
recognized as a general social characteristic of the Indian society as a
whole, without questioning whether the philosophy and teachings of any
particular religion recognize it or no”. It further recommends that ‘Para 3
of the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order 1950 should be wholly deleted
by appropriate action so as to completely de-link the Scheduled Caste status
from religion’. The denial of reservation to Dalit Muslims by the
Presidential Order of 1950 appeared to be with an eye on the balance of
power which is tilted in favour of Hindus. Hence, the required amendment
will be a step towards secularism.
CASTE IS CLASS

The Constitution prohibits any discrimination between the citizens. Hence,
any religion-based discrimination conflicts with the letter and spirit of
the provisions. In the famous Indra Sawhney Case the Supreme Court had
decided that ‘a caste can be and quite often is a social class in India’.
Further it conceptualizes: ‘If it is backward socially, it would be a
backward class for the purpose of Article 16(4). Among non-Hindus, there are
several occupational groups, sects and denominations, which for historical
reasons are socially backward. They too represent backward social
collectives for the purpose of Article 16(4) Identification of the backward
classes can certainly be done with reference to castes among, and along
with, other occupational groups, classes and section of people. (AIR 582 SC
1993). Reservation in public employment is specifically covered by Article
16(4) of the Constitution, for any backward class of citizens, which are not
adequately represented in the services under the State.

Hence, it is expected that the Supreme Court would analyze the issue of
reservation of Dalit Muslims keeping in mind the context of Indian
Constitution, findings of various commissions and social realities.

Meanwhile, instead of shoving the issue of reservation for backward/Dalit
Muslims under the carpet it is the duty of our *ulema* and community leaders
to realise that this group needs special attention and there should be no
roadblock in the way of their getting fair share, for they are, as suggested
by the Sachar report, ‘cumulatively oppressed’. Repeated appeal to the
Muslim community to maintain unity in the name of Islam, foregoing the
constitutional benefits, will not be a wise idea. May be some day in the
future reservations will be based solely on community’s impoverishment, but
until then caste-based support seems to be perfectly justified. True, the
Muslim community must reject the proposition of fragmentation, but they
should apply the same principles of social justice as much within the
community as it demands for itself within the nation.


--
Posted By Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari to Indian Dalit Muslims Voice
(IDMV)<http://www.dalitmuslims.com/2009/05/caste-based-quota-to-ajlafs-will.html>at
5/24/2009 01:50:00 AM

-- 
W A Laskar
Freelance Reporter and Human Rights Activist
with Barak Human Rights Protection Committee,
http://bhrpc.net.googlepages.com
15, Panjabari Road, Darandha, Six Mile,
Guwahati-781037, Assam, India
Cell: +919401134314

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