Sri Lankan Government Prepares
Broad Attack On Democratic Rights

By S. Jayanth

30 May, 2009
WSWS.org

Having declared victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
(LTTE), the Sri Lankan authorities are intensifying their attacks on
fundamental democratic rights. The government has flatly ruled out any
lifting of the country’s state of emergency and the draconian
Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), which allows security forces to
continue their arbitrary detention without trial of “LTTE suspects”.

The continued persecution of Tamil civilians, political opponents and
the media gives the lie to the Sri Lankan-sponsored resolution passed
in the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) this week that whitewashed the
Colombo government’s war crimes and abuses of basic rights. The
resolution welcomed “the continued commitment of Sri Lanka to the
promotion and protection of all human rights”.

The UNHRC resolution ignored the fact that nearly 300,000 Tamil
refugees have been herded into detention centres, guarded by troops
and not permitted to leave. It also turned a blind eye to the record
over the past three years of murders and “disappearances” by
pro-government death squads and the torture of detainees. The World
Socialist Web Site warned yesterday (see “UN body covers up Sri Lankan
government’s war crimes”) that the resolution would only encourage the
government and military to make further inroads into the legal and
democratic rights of working people.

Speaking in parliament on Tuesday, Health Minister Nimal Siripala de
Silva declared that the state of emergency and PTA would remain in
force for “some months” as the security forces continued to conduct
“mopping up operations, clearing operations”. He added: “We’ll have to
arrest some more persons who had aided and abetted the LTTE.”

The emergency laws give sweeping powers to the army and police to make
arbitrary arrests and detain people indefinitely without charge or
trial. The president can declare any strike or industrial action
illegal by proclaiming the workplace as an essential service. He can
block class actions against the government and state bureaucracy, and
censor the media. The PTA extends the powers of detention without
charge and can be used to convict detainees solely on the basis of
their confessions, in some cases extracted by torture.

De Silva told parliament that 9,100 persons had “surrendered” to the
security forces in the detention camps. Even the limited reports
filtering out from these centres paint an entirely different picture.
Hundreds of people, particularly young men and women, are being
dragged away by the security forces working with military
intelligence, para-militaries and hooded informers. While the minister
claimed 7,500 would be “rehabilitated,” their fate, along with the
remaining 1,600 detainees, is in the hands of the security forces,
which operate with impunity.

Over the past three years, thousands of people, mainly Tamils, have
been detained under the emergency regulations and PTA. Many have been
held for months, even years, without trial. Sunday Times columnist
J.S. Tissanayagam, for instance, is still in detention after he was
arrested in March 2007 along with the owners of E-quality Printing
Press, V. Jesiharan and his wife V. Valarmathi.

Far from “ensuring no discrimination against ethnic minorities” as the
UNHRC resolution declared, the security forces treat all Tamils as
potential “terrorists”. The arrests are part of a broader campaign of
harassment and intimidation that includes police sweeps, house raids
and constant identity checks at roadblocks and on the streets. The
26-year civil war was a direct product of decades of official
anti-Tamil discrimination that was exploited by successive Colombo
governments to divide working people and shore up their own rule.

The opposition United National Party (UNP), which called for the end
of the state of emergency this week, did not press the issue after the
government ministers condemned the move as “very untimely”. UNP
leaders have enthusiastically joined in the jingoistic “victory”
celebrations.

The UNP was responsible for launching the war in 1983 and employed the
same anti-democratic methods when it conducted military operations.

The army and police intend to step up their vendetta against anyone
critical of the war, particularly in the media. In an interview with
the state-owned ITN television channel on Monday, army commander
General Sarath Fonseka branded journalists who have supported basic
democratic rights as LTTE supporters and declared that the government
planned to take action against them. They would not be allowed to
leave the country, he added.

Fonseka alleged that “certain security analysts and other media
experts, who were often demonstrating at Lipton Circus [in Colombo]
for press freedom, have been constantly on the LTTE’s payroll to the
tune of hundreds of thousand of rupees a month”. He accused them of
“obstructing the legitimate activities of the army” and declared they
“should be prosecuted for treason”.

On Thursday, Inspector General of Police (IGP) Jayantha Wickremeratne
told ITN that the police had identified some of the “Sinhalese
journalists” on the LTTE’s payroll. He claimed many of them had been
connected with international organisations and had been always
clamouring for media freedom. He accused them of “misreporting at the
behest of the LTTE” that the army was shelling civilians while the
LTTE was shooting at the fleeing civilians in order to “prosecute Sri
Lankan leaders for war crimes”.

Wickremeratne declared that the “police know more details of this
treason [but] I do not like to reveal all of them since it might
obstruct further investigations”. These threats to prosecute
journalists for treason are more broadly aimed at “international
organisations” that in recent weeks have, at least in a limited way,
exposed the government lies surrounding the army’s killing of Tamil
civilians as it closed in on the last pocket of LTTE resistance.

The government, the military and Sinhala chauvinist groups have been
bitterly hostile to the efforts of the European powers to instigate an
investigation into war crimes in Sri Lanka—a move that was blocked in
the UNHRC on Wednesday. On the same day, hundreds of Sinhala
extremists gathered outside the Canadian High Commission, pelted it
with stones, hoisted an LTTE flag and spray painted “LTTE headquarters
in Colombo” on its wall.

Canada, along with the European powers, had backed the call for a war
crimes inquiry, not out of any concern for human rights in Sri Lanka,
but to advance Western economic and strategic interests in Colombo.
However, the communal vitriol hurled at the Canadian High Commission
is part of a broader campaign aimed at stamping out any criticism of
the government and the army, and silencing any exposure of their
crimes.

These efforts are not limited to small groups of Sinhala extremists.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay, a South African
of Indian descent, became the target of communal innuendo in the
Colombo press, implying she was an LTTE sympathiser when she mildly
criticised the government’s record. In her address to the UNHRC
calling for an inquiry, Pillay declared: “There are strong reasons to
believe that both sides [the army and the LTTE] grossly disregarded
the fundamental principle of the inviolability of civilians.”

The extent of the Sri Lankan government’s crimes is still coming to
light. Previously leaked UN reports estimated that at least 7,000
civilians had been killed in the war zone in the period from January
20 to May 7. Thousands more died in the final days of fighting. A
report this week in the London-based Times, based on UN sources, has
created an uproar in Colombo ruling circles by putting the figure at
more than 20,000.

The decision by the security forces to target journalists for
“treason” is an indication that a broad offensive is being prepared
against human rights bodies and non-government organisations, which
are often accused in Colombo of being “terrorist sympathisers”. Arrest
and prosecution will not be the only methods used. Government critic
Lasantha Wickrematunge, editor of the Sunday Leader, was gunned down
in broad daylight in January on his way to work. As in numerous other
cases involving pro-government death squads, the police have made no
arrests.

More broadly, the government is maintaining the police-state apparatus
built up in the course of the war out of fear of rising social and
political discontent. After 26 years of devastating civil war, most
ordinary Sri Lankans are not joining in the victory clamour that the
political and media establishment are attempting to whip up. As
President Mahinda Rajapakse attempts to impose the economic burdens of
the war and deepening global crisis on the working class, there will
inevitably be resistance. The government is keeping the state of
emergency in place to deal with the new “traitors”—protesting workers,
farmers and students seeking to defend their living standards and
basic rights.




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