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 EDITORIALWorld under holy siege

By Iqbal Jafar

Wednesday, 08 Jul, 2009 | 01:20 AM PST |



 IN the early part of the last century it was a generally accepted view that
religion would gradually become more of a private matter and less of a
factor in the public domain of human relations.

A rationalist-secularist-idealist worldview was expected to lead to an age
of humanism that seemed to be the destiny of humankind.

That worldview persisted despite the tragic aberrations of the mindless
savagery of bolshevism, Nazism, fascism and the two world wars, remarkable
as much for their destructiveness as for the absence of a justifiable cause
or purpose of the military aggressions that launched them.

That phase of history ended with the end of the Second World War, and it
seemed for a while that reason and idealism would prevail in the future
discourse within and between nations. That did not happen. With the
perspective of hindsight we now know that at that very moment there were
powerful undercurrents that would sweep away all such notions as so much
flotsam in the turbulent waters of the world ahead.

It all began in the late 1940s with three fateful divisions of the land and
the people on the basis of religion or ideology. It happened in quick
succession. The first to materialise was the ideological division between
the ‘godless creed of communism’, and Christian Europe. The division of
Europe was formally inaugurated by Winston Churchill in March 1946 in his
speech at Fulton, Missouri by these words: “From Stettin in the Baltic to
Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the
Continent.”

Soon enough, however, that division became a global ideological divide
between the religious and non-religious antagonists of the ensuing Cold War.
The second was the division of India, on the basis of religion, in 1947; and
the third was the division of Palestine, again on the basis of religion, in
1948. Before the world could realise what on earth was happening, religion
had kicked the door open for global politics to make its unheralded entry.

It was but inevitable, therefore, that religion should assume an important
role in the global political arena. While conflicts in Kashmir and Palestine
kept smouldering at low intensity, the East-West conflict drew all the
attention and resources as the compulsions of the Cold War unfolded with
growing intensity. Moblising the religious right all over the world against
the ‘godless creed’ was one of the weapons in the arsenal of the West, and
it set about forging that weapon as early as the 1950s.

The strategy evolved by the West for ideological defence had three main
elements: the religious right was to be encouraged; the political right,
including a rightist military dictatorship, was to be supported; and the
notions of secular democracy, considered to be fertile ground for communist
ideas, were to be discouraged. This strategy was not confined to the Muslim
world alone, but was pursued all over the Third World.

This strategy is also reflected in some of the writings at that time as the
debate within the western establishment about the containment of the Soviet
bloc continued throughout the 1950s. The thinking at that time was summed up
in an essay Communism and Islam by Bernard Lewis. He argued that “communism
is not and cannot be a religion, while Islam, for the great mass of
believers, still is; and that is the core of the Islamic resistance to
communist ideas”. He

went on to say that “if the people of Islam are forced to make a straight
choice, to abandon their own traditions in favour of either communism or
parliamentarianism, then we are at a great disadvantage”. This clearly was
advice to encourage Islamic orthodoxy and discourage democracy in the Muslim
world.

In violent episodes, apart from full-scale wars, inspired by this strategy,
hundreds of thousands of people were killed, democratic governments toppled
and military dictators propped up in Asia, Africa, South America and, at
least in one case (Greece), in western Europe itself. The religious right
was not only supported, its rivals, the secular liberals, were physically
depleted if not altogether eliminated. There is, thus, no mystery about the
resurgence of religiosity and the retreat of liberals all over the Third
World.

It did not just happen but was a desired outcome of a strategy
enthusiastically planned and ruthlessly implemented. So ruthlessly, indeed,
that even Pandit Nehru, the icon of secular democracy in the Third World,
was planned to be assassinated in 1955, according to William Blum in Killing
Hope. Unluckily for the Hindu militants the plan was not implemented or
could not be implemented.

As if in obedience to the law of unintended consequences, the West,
especially the US, could not remain unaffected by the religious frenzy that
it had helped unleash in the rest of the world. Senator Joseph McCarthy and
J. Edger Hoover, for example, got so infected by the ideological frenzy
orchestrated by their government that they launched a campaign of their own
to rid the US of the liberals (‘commies’) through sustained persecution,
almost succeeding in making America a police state.

What the US government, politicians, media and some members of the academia
did in the 1950s and 1960s became a prelude to the surge and empowerment of
the Christian right as a political power to reckon with in the 1970s and
later. It made firebrand televangelists like Franklin Graham and Pat
Robertson, the mirror images of Osama bin Ladaen and Ayman Al-Zawahiri,
possible.

During those four decades of the Cold War , the religious orthodoxy and
militancy became so firmly rooted in the minds of millions of people
(Muslim, Christian, Hindu and Jewish) that the fuel for fanaticism did not
dry up even after the demise of the ‘evil empire’. To make things worse, a
backup for religious militancy also existed in the form of India-Pakistan
and Arab-Israeli conflict where the West was an ally of Israel. Thus emerged
a new foe: Islam.

The new foe was duly and formally identified by Margret Thatcher herself in
her article that she wrote for The Guardian. The title of the article said
all that she wanted to say: ‘Islamism is the new bolshevism’. No surprise
then that the battle between ‘good and evil’ continues to rage unabated, and
the world remains under a siege by the holy warriors. Finally, a puzzle for
the newcomers: the holy warriors on both sides of the divide happen to be
recognisable as the cold warriors of yesteryears.

t...@isb.comsats.net.pk

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