http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2009/956/op5.htm

Left is wrong on IranWho are and who promoted these leftist intellectuals
who question the social uprising of the people in Iran, asks *Hamid Dabashi*
* <http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/print/2009/956/op5.htm#1>
------------------------------

When a political groundswell like the Iranian presidential election of June
2009 and its aftermath happen, the excitement and drama of the moment expose
not just our highest hopes but also our deepest fault lines, most troubling
moral flaws, and the dangerous political precipice we face.

Over the decades I have learned not to expect much from what passes for "the
left" in North America and/or Western Europe when it comes to the politics
of what their colonial ancestry has called "the Middle East". But I do
expect much more when it comes to our own progressive intellectuals --
Arabs, Muslims, South Asians, Africans and Latin Americans. This is not a
racial bifurcation, but a regional typology along the colonial divide.

By and large this expectation is apt and more often than not met. The best
case in point is the comparison between what Azmi Bishara has offered about
the recent uprising in Iran and what Slavoj Zizek felt obligated to write.
Whereas Bishara's piece (with aspects of which I have had reason to
disagree) is predicated on a detailed awareness of the Iranian scene,
accumulated over the last 30 years of the Islamic Republic and even before,
Zizek's (the conclusion of which I completely disagree with) is entirely
spontaneous and impressionistic, predicated on as much knowledge about Iran
as I have about the mineral composition of the planet Jupiter.

The examples can be multiplied by many, when we add to what Azmi Bishara has
written pieces by Mustafa El-Labbad and Galal Nassar, for example, and
compare them to the confounded blindness of Paul Craig Roberts, Anthony
DiMaggio, Michael Veiluva, James Petras, Jeremy Hammond, Eric Margolis, and
many others. While people closest to the Iranian scene write from a position
of critical intimacy, and with a healthy dose of disagreement, those
farthest from it write with an almost unanimous exposure of their
constitutional ignorance, not having the foggiest idea what has happened in
that country over the last 30 years, let alone the last 200 years, and then
having the barefaced chutzpah to pontificate one thing or another -- or
worse, to take more than 70 million human beings as stooges of the CIA and
puppets of the Saudis.

Let me begin by stating categorically that in principle I share the
fundamental political premise of the left, its weariness of US imperial
machination, of major North American and Western European media (but by no
means all of them) by and large missing the point on what is happening
around the globe, or even worse seeing things from the vantage point of
their governmental cues, which they scarcely question. It has been but a few
months since we have come out of the nightmare of the Bush presidency, or
the combined chicaneries of Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz and
John Ashcroft, or of the continued calamities of the "war on terror". Iran
is still under the threat of a military strike by Israel, or at least more
severe economic sanctions, similar to those that are responsible for the
death of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis during the Clinton administration.
Iraq and Afghanistan are burning, Gaza is in utter desolation, Northern
Pakistan is in deep humanitarian crisis, and Israel is stealing more
Palestinian lands every day. With all his promises and pomp and ceremonies,
President Obama is yet to show in any significant and tangible way his
change of course in the region from that of the previous administration.

The US Congress, prompted by AIPAC (the American Israel Political Affairs
Committee), pro-war vigilantes lurking in the halls of power in Washington
DC, and Israeli warlords and their propaganda machinery in the US, are all
excited about the events in Iran and are doing their damnedest to turn them
to their advantage. The left, indeed, has reason to worry. But having
principled positions on geopolitics is one thing, being blind and deaf to a
massive social movement is something entirely different, as being impervious
to the flagrant charlatanism of an upstart demagogue like Ahmadinejad. The
sign and the task of a progressive and agile intelligence is to hold on to
core principles and seek to incorporate mass social uprising into its *modus
operandi*. My concern here is not with that retrograde strand in the North
American or Western European left that is siding with Ahmadinejad and
against the masses of millions of Iranians daring the draconian security
apparatus of the Islamic Republic. They are a lost cause, and frankly no one
could care less what they think of the world. What does concern me is when
an Arab intellectual like Asad AbuKhalil opts to go public with his
assessment of this movement -- and what he says so vertiginously smacks of
recalcitrant fanaticism, steadfastly insisting on a belligerent ignorance.

On his website, "Angry Arab", Asad AbuKhalil finally has categorically
stated that he is "now more convinced than ever that the US and Western
governments were far more involved in Iranian affairs during the
demonstrations than was assumed by many." He then tries to be cautious and
cover his back by stipulating, "Let us make it clear: the US, Western and
Saudi intervention in Iranian affairs does not necessarily implicate the
Iranian protesters themselves. And even if some of them were involved in
those conspiracies, I do believe that the majority of Iranian protesters
were motivated by domestic issues and legitimate grievances against an
oppressive government." This latter stipulation is in fact worse than that
categorical statement about the conspiratorial plot behind the movement, for
it seeks to play fancy speculative footwork to cover up a moral bankruptcy
-- that he dare not take a stand, one way or another. AbuKhalil's final
edict: "I was just looking at US and Western media coverage of Honduras,
where the situation is rather analogous, and you can't escape the conclusion
that the US media were involved with the US government in a conspiracy the
details of which will be revealed years from now." In other words, since the
US media is not covering the Honduras development as closely as it does (or
so AbuKhalil fancies) the Iranian event, then the US media is in cahoots
with the US government in fomenting unrest in Iran, and thus this movement
is manufactured by US imperial designs with Saudi aid; and though we may not
have evidence of this yet, we will learn of its details 30 years from now,
when a Stephen Kinzer comes and writes an account of the plot, as he did
about the CIA- sponsored coup of 1953.

One simply must have dug oneself deeply and darkly, mummified inside a
forgotten and hollowed grave on another planet not to have seen, heard and
felt for millions of human beings risking their brave lives and precious
liberties by pouring into the streets of their cities demanding their
constitutional rights for peaceful protest. Thousands of them have been
arrested and jailed, their loved ones worried sick about their whereabouts;
hundreds of their leading public intellectuals, journalists, civil and
women's rights activists, rounded up and incarcerated, harassed and even
tortured, some brought to national television to confess that they are spies
for "the enemy". There are pregnant women among those leading reformists
arrested, as are such leading intellectuals as Said Hajjarian, who is
paralysed having barely survived an assassination attempt by precisely those
in the upper echelons of the Islamic Republic who have yet again put him and
his wheelchair in jail. Three prominent reformists, all heroes of the
Islamic revolution (Khatami, Mousavi, and Karrubi: a former president, a
former prime minister, and a former speaker of the house to this very
Islamic Republic) are leading the opposition, charging fraud, declaring
Ahmadinejad illegitimate. The senior most Grand Ayatollah of the land, the
octogenarian Ayatollah Montazeri, has openly declared Khamenei illegitimate.
The Iranian parliament is deeply divided and in turmoil. A massively
militarised security apparatus has wreaked havoc on the civilian population:
beating, clubbing, tear gassing, and plain shooting at them. University
dormitories have been savagely raided by plainclothes vigilantes and
students beaten up with batons, clubs, kicks, and fists by oversize thugs.
Millions of Iranians around the globe have taken to the streets, their
leading public figures -- philosophers like Abdul-Karim Soroush, clerics
like Mohsen Kadivar, public intellectuals like Ata Mohajerani, filmmakers
like Mohsen Makhmalbaf, pop singers like Shahin Najafi, footballers of the
Iranian national team, countless poets, novelists, scholars, scientists,
women's rights activists, *ad infinitum* --coming out to voice their
defiance of this barbarity perpetrated against their brothers and sisters.

Not a single sentence, not a single word that I utter comes from CNN, *The*
*New York Times*, Al-Arabiya or any other sources that Asad AbuKhalil loves
to hate. None of these people means anything to Mr AbuKhalil? Can he really
face these millions of people, their best and brightest, the mothers of
those who have been cold- bloodedly murdered, tortured, beaten brut ally,
paralysed for life, and tell them they are stooges of the CIA and the
Saudis, and that CNN and Al-Arabiya have put them up to it? AbuKhalil has
every legitimate reason to doubt the veracity of what he sees in US media.
But at what point does a legitimate criticism of media representations
degenerate into an illegitimate disregard for reality itself; or has a
sophomoric reading of postmodernity so completely corrupted our moral
standards that there is no reality any more, just representation?

Asad AbuKhalil dismisses a mass social uprising that is unfolding right in
front of his eyes as manufactured by Americans and the Saudis. What else
does AbuKhalil know about Iran? Anything? Thirty years (predicated on 200
years) of thinking, writing, mobilising, political and artistic revolts,
theological and philosophical debates -- does any of it ring a bell for
Professor AbuKhalil? Do the names Mahmoud Shabestari, Abdul-Karim Soroush,
Mohsen Kadivar, among scores of others, mean anything to him? Has he ever
listened to these young Iranians speak, cared to learn the lyrics of their
music, watched the films they make, gone to a photography exhibition they
have put together, seen any of their art work, or perhaps glanced at their
newspapers, journals, magazines, weblogs, websites? Are all these stooges of
America, manipulated by CIA agents, bought and paid for by the Saudis? What
depth of intellectual depravation is this?

In his most recent posting, AbuKhalil has this to say about Iran: "For the
most reliable coverage of the Iran story, I strongly recommend the *New York
Times*. I mean, they have Michael Slackman in Cairo and Nazila Fathi in
Toronto, and they have 'independent observers' in Tehran. What else do you
want? If you want more, the station of King Fahd's brother-in-law
(Al-Arabiya) has a correspondent in Dubai to cover Iran. And according to a
report that just aired, Mousavi received 91 per cent of the vote in 'an
elite neighbourhood'. I kid you not. They just said that." The Iranians have
no reporters, no journalists, no analysts, no pollsters, no economists, no
sociologists, no political scientist, no newspaper editorials, no magazines,
no blogs, and no websites? If AbuKhalil has this bizarre obsession with the
American or Saudi media that he loves to hate, does that psychological
fixation *ipso facto*deprive an entire nation of their defiance against
tyranny, their agency in changing their own destiny?

What a terrible state of mind to be in! AbuKhalil has so utterly lost hope
in us -- us Arabs, Iranians, Muslims, South Asians, Africans, Latin
Americans -- that it does not even occur to him that maybe, just maybe, if
we take our votes seriously the US and Israel may not have anything to do
with it. He fancies himself opposing the US and Israel. But he has such a
deeply colonised mind that he thinks nothing of us, of our will to fight
imperial intervention, colonial occupation of our homelands, *and* domestic
tyranny at one and the same time. He believes if we do it then Americans and
the Saudis must have put us up to it. He is so utterly lost in his own moral
desolation and intellectual despair that in his estimation only Americans
can instigate a mass revolt of the sort that has unfolded in front of his
eyes. What an utterly frightful state for an intellectual to be in: no
trust, no courage, no imagination and no hope. That we, as a people, as a
nation, as a collective will, have fought for over 200 years for our
constitutional rights has never occurred to AbuKhalil. What gives a man the
authority to speak so cavalierly about another nation, of whom he knows
nothing?

Ten years I spent watching every single Palestinian film I could lay my
hands on before I opened my mouth and uttered a word about Palestinian
cinema. I visited every conceivable archive in North America and Western
Europe, travelled from Morocco to Syria, drove from one end of Palestine to
another, was blessed by the dignity of Palestinians resisting the horror of
a criminal occupation of their homeland, walked and showed bootlegged videos
on mismatched equipment and stolen electricity from one Palestinian refugee
camp in Lebanon to another; then I went to Syria and found a Palestinian
archivist who knew infinitely more about Palestinian cinema than I did, and
I sat at his feet and learned humility, and I still did not dare put pen to
paper or open my mouth about anything Palestinian without asking a
Palestinian scholar -- from Edward Said to Rashid Khalidi to Joseph Massad
-- to read what I had written before I dared publishing it. This I did not
out of any vacuous belief in scholarship, but out of an abiding respect for
the dignity of Palestinians fighting for their liberties and their stolen
homeland, and fearful of the burden of responsibility that writing about a
nation's struggles puts on those of us who have a voice and an audience.

For people like Zizek, social upheavals in what they call the Third World
are a matter of theoretical entertainment. It is an old tradition that goes
back all the way to Sartre on Algeria and Cuba in the 1950s, down to
Foucault on Iran in the 1970s. That does not bother me a bit. In fact, I
find it quite entertaining -- watching grown up people make complete fools
of themselves talking about something about which they have no blasted clue.
But when someone like AbuKhalil indulges in cliché ridden leftism of the
most banal variety it speaks of a culture of intellectual laziness and moral
bankruptcy so outrageously at odds with the struggles of people from which
we emerge. Our people are not to conform to our tired, old, and
cliché-ridden theories. We need to bypass intellectual couch potatoes and
catch up with our people. Millions of people, young and old, lower and
middle class, men and women, have poured in their masses of millions into
the streets, launched their Intifada, demanding their constitutional rights
and civil liberties. Who are these people? What language do they speak, what
songs do they sing, what slogans do they chant, to what music do they sing
and dance, what sacrifices have they made, what dungeons have they crowded,
what epic poetry are they citing, what philosophers, theologians, jurists,
poets, novelists, singers, song writers, musicians, webloggers soar in their
souls, and for what ideals have their hearts and minds ached for generations
and centuries?

A colonised mind is a colonised mind whether it is occupied by the European
right or by the cliché-ridden left: it is an occupied territory, devoid of
detail, devoid of substance, devoid of love, devoid of a caring intellect.
It smells of ageing mothballs, and it is nauseating.

** The writer is the Hagop Kevorkian Professor of Iranian Studies and
Comparative Literature at Columbia University in New York.*
*
*

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