Quote
My first response: it is an embarrassing book to read. I felt foolish when I
found myself trudging through such awful expository prose ...
...
The exercise was revealing. Singh's research assistants apparently felt no
hesitation in borrowing verbatim from other people's writings and then
presenting it to him as their own. He, subsequently, compounded the lapse by
letting everything appear as the fruit of his own labours. ...
...
The main text itself is full of similar lapses. Any number of quotations is
used, but their sources are not indicated in any manner. ..
...
My second response to the book is to call it unneeded and irrelevant. It has
nothing new to offer, except some rare photographs. ...
Unquote

http://thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=199287

*Jaswant Singh's book – an epiphenomenal work*Saturday, September 19, 2009
C M Naim

With apologies to every Pathan in the world, I must start this article with
a joke at their expense. A Pathan came down into the plains to visit with a
friend. The friend treated him to qalaqand. The Pathan loved the chunky,
grey-white sweet so much that the next day he went looking for it in the
market. Unfortunately, he couldn't remember the name, and so when he saw a
man selling what looked like qalaqand, he pointed to it and bought some. As
he started eating, he found himself in terrible agony, for what he had
bought was home-made soap. Seeing his anguished look and the foam trickling
out of his mouth, a man asked, "What's the matter, Khan? What are you
eating?" Gasping for breath, the Pathan retorted, "What do you think? Khan
is eating his money."

That describes my experience with Jaswant Singh's tome Jinnah: India,
Partition, Independence. I spent a good Rs695 and, therefore, felt that I
had to get my money's worth. However, after a couple of attempts to read the
book serially, I decided to cut my losses. I began to read the book in
patches -- 50 pages here, 10 pages there, often letting the book fall open
and then reading whatever fate dictated. I feel no shame in saying that the
responses I offer below are based only on a partial reading.

My first response: it is an embarrassing book to read. I felt foolish when I
found myself trudging through such awful expository prose as this:

"The League had claimed that it was the true upholder of Islam's ideological
authenticity; also of representing a substantive Muslim consensus,
therefore, it demanded, rather presupposed, just a single Muslim medium –
and asserting its identity as a different conceptual 'nation', claimed a
separate land for itself which is why this agonizing question continues to
grate against our sensibilities: 'Separate' from what?"

Yes, this is actually a one sentence on page five, quite like the one that
follows on page 50: "By this time, Jinnah had been a Congressman of the
Pherozeshah Mehta group, (the moderate group of the Congress, which among
others included Dadabhai Naoroji, Gopal Krishna Gokhale and their group
included Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and Lal (sic) Lajpat Rai, and also,
secretary to Dadabhai Naoroji who was presiding over the Calcutta
Congress."

Things don't improve as the book progresses. Here is one gem of a sentence
from page 479: "For one, such an assertion -- [Muslims are a separate
nation] -- though entirely illogical, is fundamentally of an insatiable
nature, it will always remain so, forever, as it never can be quenched being
born of a peculiar Indian phenomenon 'minoritism', endlessly it will
continue to give birth to more destructive minoritism, being politically
contagious for, Pakistan is doubtless Muslim, but 'theocentrically', it is
not a 'theocratic' state, indeed there is no such state other (sic) perhaps
than the Vatican, but then who, other than Gandhi and a few others was to
advise caution as we rushed headlong (and unheeding!) down this destructive
path."

While I prefer simplicity in any expository prose I am made to read, I
readily confess to being a pedant when it comes to scholarly books. I expect
them to fully employ standard scholarly tools and methods. For this reason,
I took particular interest in the book's footnotes and endnotes, and checked
the quotations included in the main text as well as elsewhere.

The exercise was revealing. Singh's research assistants apparently felt no
hesitation in borrowing verbatim from other people's writings and then
presenting it to him as their own. He, subsequently, compounded the lapse by
letting everything appear as the fruit of his own labours. I wrote on this
matter in the Indian Express of September 1, 2009 (
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/jaswant-notso-original/509756/0) and would
like to share the relevant portions here:

1. On pages 481–2, there is a long (19 lines), erudite note on the Canadian
scholar Wilfred Cantwell Smith. Besides being totally irrelevant, it is a
verbatim copy of a note available on the web:
http://www.as.ua.edu/rel/aboutrelbiowcsmith.html. The site belongs to the
College of Arts and Sciences, University of Alabama; the note is authored by
its Department of Religious Studies.

2. On page 588, the long (34 lines), equally erudite note on Benedict
Anderson and his book, Imagined Communities, is a meticulous copy of what is
available on the web from "The Nationalism Project:
www.nationalismproject.org/what/anderson.htm.

3. Page 623 contains a note (20 lines) on the Muddiman Committee. It is
copied word for word from the "Banglapedia," prepared by the Asiatic Society
of Bangladesh. (http://www.banglapedia.org/httpdocs/HT/M_0347.HTM) The note
is duplicated on page 630, unnoticed by the publishers.

4. On page 633, the author includes a note on Ramsay Macdonald; it runs to
25 lines, faithfully copied from "British Friends of India," offered on the
web by the Indian National Congress:
www.congress.org.in/british-friends-of-india.

5. On pages 634–35, the author has presented a long note on A. K. Fazlul
Haq. Its 38 lines were originally written by someone for the "Story of
Pakistan" project. One can find it on the web at:
www.storyofpakistan.com/person.asp?perid=PO77

I reiterate: none of the above carries any indication that the book was not
authored by Jaswant Singh. I stopped after five searches, but I'm confident
that more searches of the kind I did, using key words or sentences, will
turn up many more such examples.

The main text itself is full of similar lapses. Any number of quotations is
used, but their sources are not indicated in any manner. Six lines are
quoted from Al-Beiruni's book on page 16, but no reference is given. On
pages 21 and 22, the author quotes from the trial record of Emperor
Bahadurshah, but fails to tell us where he found it. On page 47, Singh
mentions a Syed Mohammed Zauqi and a letter he allegedly wrote to Jinnah in
1943: "In this (sic) a rather detailed, but retrospective account is given
of the origins of the Simla Deputation and the formation of the Muslim
League. This is placed in the Appendix, for interest (sic) though its
authenticity cannot be vouchsafed." The appendix runs from page 526-530.
Neither the Appendix nor the main text mentions Singh's source.

I'm willing to allow that Singh or his publisher might not find anything
embarrassing in such silly passages as the following: "[M.R.A. Baig] fell
out with Jinnah over the Lahore Resolution which he felt to be communal. He,
then become (sic) Jinnah's secretary… (page 275)". Or "suddenly, Burma (now
Myanmar) was now vulnerable, as was Rangoon, and then was it to be India?"
(page 291) Most people, however, would find it embarrassing having to read a
text so irresponsibly prepared. And yet the same is touted as scholarship
that allegedly required five years of writing, re-writing, checking, and
cross checking (p. xiii).

My second response to the book is to call it unneeded and irrelevant. It has
nothing new to offer, except some rare photographs. If one is interested in
Jinnah as a person, Stanley Wolpert (Jinnah of Pakistan) is presently our
best guide. On the final years of Jinnah's political life in undivided
India, Ayesha Jalal (The Sole Spokesman) cannot be bettered. If one is more
narrowly focused and wants to know how things went wrong in 1946, Abul Kalam
Azad (India Wins Freedom) tells it all quite succinctly. For readable
polemics, one can turn to Ram Manohar Lohia (Guilty Men of India's
Partition). As for finding a meticulously argued and documented single book
on why the partition of India came about and who must take on what share of
responsibility for it, one cannot find a better guide than H. M. Seervai
(Partition of India: Legend and Reality). Then there are any number of
review essays by that man of amazing memory and erudition, A. G. Noorani.

Singh believes in an eternal unitary India that just happens to have the
same territorial boundaries as the areas of the subcontinent over which the
British held sovereignty in 1947, including Andaman Islands, Leh and Ladakh,
Sikkim, and Baluchistan. He also believes that the main causes of the
partition were something called the "minority syndrome" of the Muslims and
the obduracy of a man named Jawaharlal Nehru. These are good beliefs to hold
for a self-defined "political figure," but they amount to nothing more.



The writer is professor emeritus at the Department of South Asian Languages
and Civilisations, University of Chicago. Email: cmnaim @sbcglobal.net

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