The beauty of compromise

An excess of secularism may be as problematic as bigotry, whereas
pragmatism is in salutary contrast to both of those, writes
Ramachandra Guha.


10 October 2009 - In September 2004, the French government formally
banned the wearing of headscarves by Muslim girls in schools and
colleges run by the State. The decision was opposed by most French
Muslims, but supported by an overwhelming majority of the citizens as
a whole. The tradition of French republicanism is robustly secular;
against King and Church in equal measure. Any sign of religious
affiliation in public institutions is frowned upon.

The French authorities imposed the ban for two main reasons. The first
argument they made was on the basis of gender justice. They claimed
that the headscarf was a sign of women's subordination within the home
and the family. The second argument rested on the case for
assimilation. The headscarf marked the wearer out as Muslim, and hence
something foreign and alien to the culture of the French nation.

The ban on the headscarf was issued as part of a general edict
forbidding all religious signs and symbols in State-run schools. So
Sikh boys were barred from wearing the turban, Jewish boys from
wearing the skull cap, and Christian children from wearing the
crucifix.

But it was evident all along that the particular target of the ban was
Muslims. There had, in recent decades, been substantial immigration of
Muslims from North Africa. The new migrants tended to live in separate
neighbourhoods, limiting their interactions with the host population
to the workplace. This ghettoization was deemed bad for them, and bad
for French culture as a whole. The ban on the headscarf was very
clearly an attempt to hasten them into the mainstream.

Reading of the controversy in France, I felt at the time that a ban
could be counter-productive, encouraging parents to withdraw girls
from State-run schools and send them to religious schools instead (or
educate them at home). In any case, I thought, it was an odd form of
nationalism (or secularism) which insisted that all citizens must,
apart from speaking the same language and swearing allegiance to the
same flag, also dress exactly alike. So long as an artefact of
clothing is not offensive (which a headscarf or turban clearly isn't)
and can be worn alongside a regular school uniform (as a headscarf and
a turban clearly can) there seemed to be no real reason to forbid a
student from wearing it.


In France, the scarf is seen by the State as oppressive, and hence
banned in public. In India, the scarf is actually liberating. It
permits young women to acquire a university education denied to their
mothers and grandmothers.


 •  A genuine secularism, please
 •  Muslim count: Useful controversy
The question of whether or not to allow the headscarf in schools and
colleges is also hotly debated in some other countries, such as Turkey
(as discussed in Orhan Pamuk's memorable novel, Snow). In France
itself, after imposing the ban in schools, the authorities appear to
have - with or without the pretext of the law - extended it to other
spheres as well. An essay in The Guardian reports that women wearing
headscarves in France have been forbidden to vote, not allowed to open
bank accounts, and in some cases, even barred from their own wedding
ceremonies! A French businesswoman of Muslim origin, wearing a scarf
along with her suit, went for a holiday with her family, only to be
turned away by the apartment into which they had been booked on the
grounds that she was sporting "an instrument of women's submission and
oppression".

A human rights activist observes of these cases that "this is clear
discrimination by people who wrongly use the school law to claim that
France is a secular state that doesn't allow headscarves in public
places". A history professor involved in the 'French Collective
against Islamophobia' remarked (in terms that would be very
recognizable to Indians) that "what people have to understand is that
the concept of French secularism is not anti-religion per se, it is
supposed to be about respecting all religions".

In January 2005, some months after the French imposed their ban, I was
speaking at the University of Calicut. The university is located in
the district of Mallapuram, which is one of the handful of Muslim
majority districts in India outside the Kashmir Valley (the others lie
along the West Bengal-Bangladesh border). The Kerala Muslims, known
locally as Mapillas, were converted not by the sword but by trade and
commerce. They date to at least the eighth century AD, and have (in
all senses) a substantial presence in the state, with particular
influence in business and politics. Where Muslims in some other
southern states claim Urdu as their mother tongue, the Mapillas have a
deep identification with the language of Kerala, Malayalam. (Arguably
the greatest Malayalam novelist was a Mapilla, Vaikom Muhammad
Bashir).

My talk at the University of Calicut was held in a gloomy auditorium,
but the composition of the audience lit up the event for me. For, of
those who attended the lecture at least half were women. This was not
in itself surprising, since rates of female literacy in Kerala are
close to 100 per cent. What was especially notable was that most of
these women (or young girls) were Muslim, their faith marked out for
me by the black headscarf they wore, the self-same headscarf that had
just been forbidden in schools in France.

In that old Western democracy, the scarf was seen by the State as
oppressive, and hence banned in public. In this new Eastern nation,
the scarf was actually liberating. It permitted these girls to acquire
a university education denied to their mothers and grandmothers. For
the scarf denoted a certain propriety and modesty; by wearing it,
these girls could reassure their parents that they were going to
college to study rather than to socialize with members of the other
sex.

In Calicut, the headscarf is acceptable, but a few hundred miles up
the west coast of India, it apparently is not. Thus, in recent months,
some colleges in the district of Mangalore have forbidden its use.
Mangalore is a stronghold of Hindutva organizations, which have been
emboldened by the coming to power in Karnataka of the Bharatiya Janata
Party. Earlier in the year, they attacked girls for going to pubs;
now, they seek to prevent girls who wear headscarves from attending
college. In the first case, they protested against an alleged
scantiness of clothing; in the second case, against an alleged excess
of clothing. Any stick is apparently good enough, so long as it can be
used to intimidate the minorities.

It is necessary to make some distinctions here. The burqa, or full
veil, is oppressive and demeaning: by hiding a woman's face and eyes,
it marks her out as subordinate to (and under the control of) men. But
to cover only one's head is another matter. In India, at any rate, the
practice is not restricted to Muslim women. Hindu women often cover
their heads with their saris, whether to keep out the sun, enter a
temple, or convey respect to elders. Sikh men and boys are obliged by
their faith to wear a turban, while many Hindu and Muslim peasants
voluntarily wear one. Had their students appeared before them in a
burqa, some teachers in Calicut University might have been embarrassed
or offended; clad as they were, no one in the university, whether
teacher, student or staff, could in any way have seen it as other than
normal and wholly acceptable.

For me, the ubiquity of the headscarf in Calicut University is a
perfect illustration of what Mahatma Gandhi liked to call "the beauty
of compromise". The pragmatism of the Malayali stands in salutary
contrast both to the thoroughgoing secularism of the French and to the
narrow bigotry of the Hindutva-wadis. ⊕

Ramachandra Guha
10 Oct 2009

Ramachandra Guha is a historian, and a regular columnist with The
Telegraph of Calcutta.


-- 
aysha

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