[The case has an obvious gender dimension. That goes without saying.
But what is even more important is the utterly brazen malafide use of
"power" cutting across gender lines. A common citizen, even a fairly
well-off city-dweller, is so pathetically helpless. Then how vulnerable is a
true "commoner"? People living below the officially defined BPL, or
somewhere just above?

Even if one does not agree with every detail of the suggestions below and
would resent the rather light treatment of the judiciary; taken as a whole,
the recommendations are quite sensible. Provide a useful basis for a
meaningful fight.]

http://beta.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/siddharth-varadarajan/article70605.ece

<http://beta.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/siddharth-varadarajan/article70605.ece>Ten
reasons why criminals in khaki get awaySiddharth
Varadarajan

 Behind every man like S.P.S. Rathore who abuses his authority stand the
generals and footsoldiers who help and support him. We need to take them all
down.

S.P.S. Rathore, the criminal former top cop of Haryana, may appear alone
today but we must never forget that he was able to get away with the sexual
molestation of a young child and the illegal harassment of her family for 19
years because he had hundreds of men who supported him in his effort to
evade justice.

The fact that these men – fellow police officers, bureaucrats, politicians,
lawyers, judges, school administrators – were willing to bend the system to
accommodate a man accused of molesting a minor speaks volumes for the moral
impoverishment of our establishment and country. Decent societies shun those
involved in sexual offences against children. Even criminals jailed for
‘ordinary’ crimes like murder treat those serving time for molesting
children as beyond the pale. But in India, men like Rathore have their uses
for their masters, so the system circles its wagons and protects them.

The CBI’s appeal may lead to the enhancement of Rathore’s sentence and
perhaps even the slapping of abetment to suicide charges, since his young
victim killed herself to put an end to the criminal intimidation her family
was being subjected to by Rathore and his men. But the systemic rot which
the case has exposed will not be remedied unless sustained public pressure
is put on Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Union Home Minister P.
Chidambaram, two men who have it in their power to push for simple remedies
in the way the Indian law enforcement and justice delivery system works.

First, abolish the need for official, i.e. political sanction to prosecute
bureaucrats, policemen and security forces personnel when they are accused
of committing crimes. The original intent behind this built-in
stay-out-of-jail card was to protect state functionaries from acts done in
the course of discharging their duties in good faith. Somewhere along the
line, this has come to mean protecting our custodians of law and order when
they murder innocent civilians (eg. the infamous Panchalthan case in Kashmir
where the trial of army men indicted by the CBI for murdering five villagers
in 2000 still cannot take place because the Central government will not
grant permission), or assault or molest women and children. No civilised,
democratic society grants such impunity. It is disgusting to see former
officials and bureaucrats from Haryana saying how they had wanted Rathore
prosecuted but were prevented from doing so because of pressure. Such
officials should either be made formally to testify in a criminal case
against the politicians who so pressured them or they should themselves be
hauled up for perverting the course of justice.

Second, stop talking about how making the police and army answerable to the
law will somehow demoralise their morale. Does anybody care about the morale
of ordinary citizens any more? Or the morale of upright police and army
officers, who do not think it is right for their colleagues to be able to
get away with criminal acts?

Third, bring an end to the cosy relationship between the police and
politicians. Rathore was protected by four chief ministers of Haryana. He
served them and they served him by ensuring his unfettered rise. It is
absurd that the Indian Police is still governed by a colonial-era Act dating
back to 1861. A number of commissions have made recommendations for
reforming the police over the years; but no government or political party
wants to give up its ability to use and misuse the police for their own
benefit.

Fourth, ensure that police officers who abuse their authority and engage in
mala fide prosecutions are dismissed from service and sentenced to jail for
a long period of time. Mr. Chidambaram should use the considerable resources
at his command to find out who were the policemen involved in filing 11
bogus cases against the teenaged brother of the young girl Rathore molested.
He should then make sure criminal proceedings are initiated against all of
them. The message must go out to every policeman in the country: If you
abuse the law at the behest of a superior, you will suffer legal
consequences.

Fifth, ensure that criminal charges against law enforcement personnel are
fast-tracked as a matter of routine so that a powerful defendant is not able
to use his position to delay proceedings the way Rathore did for years on
end. The destruction or disappearance of material evidence in such cases
must be treated as a grave offence with strict criminal liability imposed on
the individual responsible for breaking the chain of custody.

Sixth, empower the National Human Rights Commission with teeth so that
police departments and state governments cannot brush aside their orders as
happened in the Rathore case. This would also require appointing to the NHRC
women and men who have a proven record of defending human rights in their
professional life, something that is done today only in the breach. The
attitude of the Manmohan Singh government to this commission and others like
the National Commission for Women (NCW) and National Commission for
Minorities is shocking. Vacancies are not filled for months on end.

Seventh, ensure the early enactment of pending legislation broadening the
ambit of sexual crimes, including sexual crimes against children. Between
rape, defined as forced penetrative sex, and the vague, Victorian-era crime
of ‘outraging the modesty of a woman’, the Indian Penal Code recognises no
other form of sexual violence. As a result, all forms of sexual molestation
and assault short of rape attract fairly lenient punishment, of the kind
Rathore got. In his case, the judge did not even hand down the maximum
sentence, citing concerns for the criminal’s age. Sadly, he did not take
into account the age of the victim and neither does the IPC, which fails to
distinguish between ‘outraging the modesty’ of an adult woman and a young
child.

A draft law changing these provisions and bringing India into line with the
rest of the modern world has been pending with the NCW and Law Ministry for
years. Perhaps the government may now be shamed into pushing it through
Parliament at the earliest.

Eighth, take steps to introduce a system of protection of witnesses and
complainants. The fate that the family of Rathore’s young victim had to
endure is testament to the fact that people who seek justice in India do so
at their own peril.

Ninth, ensure that robust interrogation techniques like narco-analysis,
which are routinely used against other alleged criminals, are also employed
against police officers accused of crimes.

Tenth, the media and the higher judiciary must also turn the light inward
and ask themselves whether they were also derelict in their duty. The
Rathore case did not attract the kind of constant media attention it
deserved, nor do other cases involving serving police officers accused of
crimes against women, workers, peasants and minorities. As for the upper
courts, their record is too patchy to inspire confidence. It was, after all,
the high court which chose to disregard the CBI’s request for including
abetment to suicide charges.

-- 
Peace Is Doable



-- 
Peace Is Doable

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