http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/01/us/politics/01nuke.html
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WHITE HOUSE IS RETHINKING NUCLEAR POLICY
New York Times -- March 1, 2010
By David E. Sanger and Thom Shanker

Washington -- As President Obama begins making final decisions on a broad
new nuclear strategy for the United States, senior aides say he will
permanently reduce America’s arsenal by thousands of weapons. But the
administration has rejected proposals that the United States declare it
would never be the first to use nuclear wapons, aides said.

Mr. Obama’s new strategy — which would annul or reverse several initiatives
by the Bush administration — will be contained in a nearly completed
document called the Nuclear Posture Review, which all presidents undertake.
Aides said Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates will present Mr. Obama with
several options on Monday to address unresolved issues in that document,
which have been hotly debated within the administration.

First among them is the question of whether, and how, to narrow the
circumstances under which the United States will declare it might use
nuclear weapons — a key element of nuclear deterrence since the cold war.

Mr. Obama’s decisions on nuclear weapons come as conflicting pressures in
his defense policy are intensifying. His critics argue that his embrace of a
new movement to eliminate nuclear weapons around the world is naïve and
dangerous, especially at a time of new nuclear threats, particularly from
Iran and North Korea. But many of his supporters fear that over the past
year he has moved too cautiously, and worry that he will retain the existing
American policy by leaving open the possibility that the United States might
use nuclear weapons in response to a biological or chemical attack, perhaps
against a nation that does not possess a nuclear arsenal.

That is one of the central debates Mr. Obama must resolve in the next few
weeks, his aides say.

Many elements of the new strategy have already been completed, according to
senior administration and military officials who have been involved in more
than a half-dozen Situation Room debates about it, and outside strategists
consulted by the White House.

As described by those officials, the new strategy commits the United States
to developing no new nuclear weapons, including the nuclear bunker-busters
advocated by the Bush administration. But Mr. Obama has already announced
that he will spend billions of dollars more on updating America’s weapons
laboratories to assure the reliability of what he intends to be a much
smaller arsenal. Increased confidence in the reliability of American
weapons, Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. said in a speech in February,
would make elimination of “redundant” nuclear weapons possible.

“It will be clear in the document that there will be very dramatic
reductions — in the thousands — as relates to the stockpile,” according to
one senior administration official whom the White House authorized to
discuss the issue this weekend. Much of that would come from the retirement
of large numbers of weapons now kept in storage.

Other officials, not officially allowed to speak on the issue, say that in
back-channel discussions with allies, the administration has also been
quietly broaching the question of whether to withdraw American tactical
nuclear weapons from Europe, where they provide more political reassurance
than actual defense. Those weapons are now believed to be in Germany, Italy,
Belgium, Turkey and the Netherlands.

At the same time, the new document will steer the United States toward more
non-nuclear defenses. It relies more heavily on missile defense, much of it
arrayed within striking distance of the Persian Gulf, focused on the
emerging threat from Iran. Mr. Obama’s recently published Quadrennial
Defense Review also includes support for a new class of non-nuclear weapons,
called “Prompt Global Strike,” that could be fired from the United States
and hit a target anywhere in less than an hour.

The idea, officials say, would be to give the president a non-nuclear option
for, say, a large strike on the leadership of Al Queda in the mountains of
Pakistan, or a pre-emptive attack on an impending missile launch from North
Korea. But under Mr. Obama’s strategy, the missiles would be based at new
sites around the United States that might even be open to inspection, so
that Russia and China would know that a missile launched from those sites
was not nuclear — to avoid having them place their own nuclear forces on
high alert.

But the big question confronting Mr. Obama is how he will describe the
purpose of America’s nuclear arsenal. It is far more than just an academic
debate.

Some leading Democrats, led by Senator Dianne Feinsten of California,
chairwoman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, have asked Mr. Obama to
declare that the “sole purpose” of the country’s nuclear arsenal is to deter
nuclear attack. “We’re under considerable pressure on this one within our
own party,” one of Mr. Obama’s national security advisers said recently.

But inside the Pentagon and among many officials in the White House, Mr.
Obama has been urged to retain more ambiguous wording — declaring that
deterring nuclear attack is the primary purpose of the American arsenal, not
the only one. That would leave open the option of using nuclear weapons
against foes that might threaten the United States with biological or
chemical weapons or transfer nuclear material to terrorists.

Any compromise wording that leaves in place elements of the Bush-era
pre-emption policy, or suggests the United States could use nuclear weapons
against a non-nuclear adversary, would disappoint many on the left wing of
his party, and some arms control advocates.

“Any declaration that deterring a nuclear attack is a ‘primary purpose’ of
our arsenal leaves open the possibility that there are other purposes, and
it would not reflect any reduced reliance on nuclear weapons,” said Daryl G.
Kimball, the executive director of the Arms Control Association. “It
wouldn’t be consistent with what the president said in his speech in Prague”
a year ago, when he laid out an ambitious vision for moving toward the
elimination of nuclear weapons.

Mr. Obama’s base has already complained in recent months that he has failed
to break from Bush era national security policy in some fundamental ways.
They cite, for example, his stepped-up use of drones to strike suspected
terrorists in Pakistan and his failure to close the Guantánamo Bay detention
facility by January as Mr. Obama had promised.

While Mr. Obama ended financing last year for a new nuclear warhead sought
by the Bush administration, the new strategy goes further. It commits Mr.
Obama to developing no new nuclear weapons, including a low-yield,
deeply-burrowing nuclear warhead that the Pentagon sought to strike buried
targets, like the nuclear facilities in North Korea and Iran. Mr. Obama,
officials said, has determined he could not stop other countries from
seeking new weapons if the United States was doing the same.

Still, some of Mr. Obama’s critics in his own party say the change is
symbolic because he is spending more to improve old weapons.

At the center of the new strategy is a renewed focus on arms control and
nonproliferation agreements, which were largely dismissed by the Bush
administration. That includes an effort to win passage of the Comprehensive
Test Ban Treaty, which was defeated during the Clinton administration and
faces huge hurdles in the Senate, and revisions of the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty to close loopholes that critics say have been
exploited by Iran and North Korea.

Mr. Obama’s reliance on new, non-nuclear Prompt Global Strike weapons is
bound to be contentious. As described by advocates within the Pentagon and
in the military, the new weapons could achieve the effects of a nuclear
weapon, without turning a conventional war into a nuclear one. As a result,
the administration believes it could create a new form of deterrence — a way
to contain countries that possess or hope to develop nuclear, biological or
chemical weapons, without resorting to a nuclear option.


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