Dear Nandini,

Thanks a lot.
Sharing with others.

Sukla

On 2 April 2010 12:35, Nandini Sundar <[email protected]> wrote:

> *Dear Sukla
> *
>
>
> **
>
> *I have actually been saying for a long time that there is no one to one
> connection between sj and tata/essar or the mining., but a general one but
> then have been accused of not having the right line, and recognising the
> connection.
> *
>
>
> **
>
> *extracting a section from a paper in wrote in 2007
> *
>
> *
> *
>
> *Blood mining*
>
> While one history of the Salwa Judum places it within the context of a 
> standard counter-insurgency tactic directed against communist guerillas, the 
> version lately preferred by the Maoists and a number of human rights 
> activists is that the Salwa Judum is part of a ‘ground clearing exercise’ for 
> industry and mining.[1] 
> <https://mail.google.com/mail/?ui=2&view=bsp&ver=1qygpcgurkovy#127bd572cbe0a964__ftn1>
>  The Dandakaranya region, and Dantewada district in particular, are said to 
> have 18% of India’s iron ore deposits, along with large reserves of graphite 
> ore, limestone, uranium and other minerals. They point to the coincidence 
> that the Chhattisgarh government signed an agreement with both the Tata and 
> Essar groups to invest in steel plants in Bastar and Dantewada on the same 
> day that Salwa Judum started, June 4th 2005. Both MoUs (memorandum of 
> understanding) were initially kept secret. Both the Tata steel plant at 
> Lohandiguda, for which the company is trying to acquire some 2161 ha, and the 
> Essar Steel plant at Bhansi for which Essar wants 900 ha have been strongly 
> opposed by villagers who will lose their lands to the project. Under PESA 
> 1996, a
>  special law for scheduled areas (areas dominated by indigenous people or 
> adivasis), the government is required to gain the consent of the villagers. 
> In both cases, villages were forced to give their ‘consent’ at gunpoint. Both 
> the plants, however, have the support of non-tribal emigrants, who see the 
> prospect of business expanding and their children getting whatever limited 
> jobs come on offer.
>
> While nationwide the anxiety about Maoists is connected to SEZs, the 
> connections in Bastar seem too quickly drawn. Of course, there are links in 
> the person of Mahendra Karma, who leads the Salwa Judum and who is acting as 
> an agent for both Tata and Essar in acquiring land, and in the fact that 
> Essar is funding the permanent
>  resettlement of villages. However, both the large steel plants proposed for 
> this region are in villages where people have not been forcibly evacuated and 
> elsewhere in the country, displacement is taking place without strategic 
> hamletting. Maoist influence had not reached Lohandiguda, and protests 
> against both plants are currently being led not by the Maoists, but by the 
> parliamentary left, the CPI.
>
> * *
>
> The real connections perhaps lie in the silence that now surrounds whatever
> happens in the region and the atmosphere of impunity that has been created.
> Now that villages have been emptied, there is a great deal of smaller scale
> prospecting and felling that goes unchecked. In a government guesthouse on
> the Andhra side of the border, waiting to cross over to Chhattisgarh, I met
> a businessman from Andhra Pradesh who had just acquired 3 ha of land for a
> granite quarry in a village, all of whose inhabitants had been moved to
> camp. While their permission was required under PESA, they were no longer
> there to give it. He said he sniffed opportunity at times of conflict, when
> competition was low - his company had acquired some 100 ha in different
> villages in small lots and under different names to circumvent the laws
> requiring federal clearance for forest clearance.
>
> ------------------------------
>
> [1]<https://mail.google.com/mail/?ui=2&view=bsp&ver=1qygpcgurkovy#127bd572cbe0a964__ftnref1>
>  See,
> e.g., Ilina Sen, Ground Clearing with Salwa Judum, *Himal Southasian*,
> November 2006: 42-44.
>



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