The Battlefields Chosen by Contemporary Imperialism: Conditions for an Effective Response from the South by Samir Amin
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2010/amin070210.html "..Poverty, Civil Society, Good Governance: The Feeble Rhetoric of the Dominant Discourse This dominant discourse claims that its objective is to "reduce, if not to eradicate, poverty" by supporting "civil society," in order to substitute "good governance" for "governance" that is judged "bad." The very term "poverty" stems from a language which is as old as the hills, that of charity (religious or otherwise). This language belongs to the past, not to the present, much less to the future. It predates the language created by modern social thought, which tries to be scientific -- that is, to discover the mechanisms that give rise to a visible and observed phenomenon. The overwhelming mass of literature about poverty focuses exclusively -- or almost -- on "locating" the problem and quantifying it. It does not pose questions such as "what are the mechanisms that create the poverty under discussion?" Do they have some connection with the fundamental rules (like competition) that govern our systems and in particular -- as far as the countries of the South receiving aid are concerned -- with the development strategies and policies conceived for them? Has the concept of "civil society," even if it is taken seriously (not to speak of its random use), been raised to the level at which a concept should be in order to take its chance and be worthy of inclusion in a serious debate that purports to be scientific? As it is proposed, "civil society" is associated with an ideology of consensus. It is a twofold consensus: 1. that there is no alternative to the "market economy" (itself an indiscriminate expression that serves to replace an analysis of "really existing capitalism"); 2. that there is no alternative to representative democracy based on multi-party elections (conceived as "the democracy") that serves as a substitute for the conception of democratization of society, which is a process without end. On the contrary, the history of struggles has seen the emergence of political cultures of conflict, based on the recognition of the conflict of social and national interests, which gives quite another meaning to the terms of "left" and "right." It attributes to creative democracy the right and power to imagine alternatives and not just "alternations" in the exercise of power (changing the names for doing the same thing). "Governance" was invented as a substitute for "power." The opposition between these two qualifying adjectives -- good or bad governance -- calls to mind manichaeism and moralism, substitutes for an analysis of reality as scientific as possible. Once again this fashion comes to us from the other side of the Atlantic where the sermon has often dominated political discourse. "Good governance" requires the "decider" to be "just," "objective" (choosing the "best solution"), "neutral" (accepting a balanced presentation of arguments), and above all else "honest" (including, of course, the blander, financial meaning of the word). On reading the literature produced by the World Bank on the subject, one finds oneself -- judging from the grievances presented, usually by men of religion or of law (and few women!) -- back in the East of ancient times, of the "just despot" (not even enlightened!). The underlying ideology is clearly being used to simply eliminate the real question: what social interests does the governing power, whatever it is, represent and defend? How can the change of power progress so that it gradually becomes the instrument of the majorities, in particular of the victims of the system, such as it is? It goes without saying that the multi-party electoral recipe has shown its limits in this respect."... "Post-Modernist" Discourse Post-modernism caps the discourse called by some the "new spirit of capitalism," but it would be better to call it the ideology of the late capitalism/imperialism of oligopolies. A recent book by Nkolo Foe gives a powerful description of how this functions very well to serve the real interests of the dominating powers.14 Modernism originated in the discourse of the Enlightenment in the 18th century in Europe, together with the triumph of the historical form of European capitalism and imperialism that goes with it, which subsequently conquered the world. It suffers from contradictions and limitations. The ambition to be universal that it formulated is defined by the affirmation of the rights of man (but not necessarily of woman!), which are in fact the rights of bourgeois individualism. Real capitalism, with which this form of modernity is associated, is moreover an imperialism that denies the rights of the non-European peoples who have been conquered and subordinated to the levying of the imperialist rent. Criticism of this bourgeois and capitalist/imperialist modernity is certainly necessary. And Marx effectively undertook this radical critique, which it is always necessary to update and study more deeply. The new Reason considered itself emancipatory; and so it was, to the extent that it freed society from the alienations and oppressions of the Anciens Regimes. It was thus a guarantee of progress, but a form of progress that was limited and contradictory because it was capital which, in the final instance, was to manage society. Post-modernism does not make this radical critique to promote the emancipation of individuals and of society through socialism. Instead it proposes a return to pre-modern, pre-capitalist alienations. The forms of sociability that it promotes are necessarily in line with adherence to a "tribalist" identity for communities (para-religious and para-ethnic), an antipode to what is required to deepen democracy, which has become a synonym for the "tyranny of the people" daring to question the wise management of the executives who serve the oligopolies. Post-modernist critiques of "grand narratives" (the Enlightenment, democracy, progress, socialism, national liberation) do not look to the future but return to an imaginary and false past, which is extremely idealized. In this way it facilitates the fragmentation of the majority of the population and makes them accept adjustment to the logic of the reproduction of domination by the imperialist oligopolies. This fragmentation hardly disturbs that domination; on the contrary, it makes the task easier. The individual does not become a conscious, lucid agent of social transformation, but the slave of triumphant commodification. The citizen disappears, giving way to the consumer/spectator, no longer a citizen who seeks emancipation, but an insignificant creature who accepts submission. References 1 Jacques Andreani, Le Piège, Helsinki et la chute du communisme, Paris: Odile Jacob, 2005. 2 Mathis Wackernagel and William Rees, Notre empreinte écologique, Montréal: Ecosociété, 1999. 3 Elmar Altvater, "The Plagues of Capitalism, Energy Crisis, Climate Collapse, Hunger, and Financial Instabilities," paper presented at the FMA, Caracas, 2008. 4 François Houtart, L'agroénergie, solution pour le climat ou sortie de crise pour le capital? Charleroi: Couleur Livres, 2009 5 Aurélien Boutaud and Natacha Gondran, L'empreinte écologique, Paris: La Découverte, 2009. 6 Giovanni Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century, London: Verso, 1994; Giovanni Arrighi, Adam Smith in Beijing, London: Verso, 2007. The concept of accumulation by dispossession, introduced by Arrighi, like that of "permanent primitive accumulation" which I proposed, characterizes historical capitalism, originated in Europe, through contrast with another path of development to capitalism, inaugurated by China during the Sung and Ming dynasties (Arrighi-Amin correspondence). See, also, Samir Amin, Sur la crise, Pantin: Temps des cerises, 2009, Chapters 2 and 3. 7 Cf. the work of Samir Amin, Sam Moyo, Archie Mafeje, and others in Samir Amin, Sur la crise, op cit, Chapter 5. 8 Joseph Stiglitz, Un autre monde, contre le fanatisme des marches, Paris: Livre de poche, 2009. 9 Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century, op cit. 10 The UN documents in question here are published on UN Web sites. 11 Samir Amin, L'Empire du Chaos, Paris: Harmattan, 1991; Samir Amin, L'hégémonisme des Etats-Unis et l'effacement du projet européen, Paris: Harmattan, 2000 12 Samir Amin, "Aid, for What Development?" (in a book published in English by Fahamu, forthcoming in 2009) 13 Samir Amin, "Is Africa Really Marginalized?" in, Helen Lauer (ed), History and Philosophy of Sciences for African Undergraduates, Ibadan: Hope Pub, 2003. 14 Nkolo Foe, Le post modernisme et le nouvel esprit du capitalisme, Sur une philosophie globale d' Empire, Dakar: Codesria, 2009; Samir Amin, Modernité, religion, démocratie, Critique de l’eurocentrisme et critique des culturalismes, Paris: Parangon, 2008; Samir Amin, Sur la crise, op cit, Chapters 2 and 3; Jacques Rancière, La haine de la démocratie, Paris: La Fabrique, 2008. Samir Amin is director of the Third World Forum in Dakar, Senegal. His recent books include Obsolescent Capitalism (Zed Books), The Liberal Virus (Monthly Review Press, 2004), and The World We Wish to See (Monthly Review Press, 2008). The original article in French, published in two parts by Pambazuka News (on 29 November 2009 and 6 December 2009), may be read at <pambazuka.org/fr/category/features/60658> and <pambazuka.org/fr/category/features/60840>. Translation by Victoria Bawtree and Yoshie Furuhashi. Comments (3) | Print MR StatCounter - Free Web Tracker and Counter Modernism originated in the discourse of the Enlightenment in the 18th century in Europe, together with the triumph of the historical form of European capitalism and imperialism that goes with it, which subsequently conquered the world. It suffers from contradictions and limitations. The ambition to be universal that it formulated is defined by the affirmation of the rights of man (but not necessarily of woman!), which are in fact the rights of bourgeois individualism. Real capitalism, with which this form of modernity is associated, is moreover an imperialism that denies the rights of the non-European peoples who have been conquered and subordinated to the levying of the imperialist rent. Criticism of this bourgeois and capitalist/imperialist modernity is certainly necessary. And Marx effectively undertook this radical critique, which it is always necessary to update and study more deeply. The new Reason considered itself emancipatory; and so it was, to the extent that it freed society from the alienations and oppressions of the Anciens Regimes. It was thus a guarantee of progress, but a form of progress that was limited and contradictory because it was capital which, in the final instance, was to manage society. Post-modernism does not make this radical critique to promote the emancipation of individuals and of society through socialism. Instead it proposes a return to pre-modern, pre-capitalist alienations. The forms of sociability that it promotes are necessarily in line with adherence to a "tribalist" identity for communities (para-religious and para-ethnic), an antipode to what is required to deepen democracy, which has become a synonym for the "tyranny of the people" daring to question the wise management of the executives who serve the oligopolies. Post-modernist critiques of "grand narratives" (the Enlightenment, democracy, progress, socialism, national liberation) do not look to the future but return to an imaginary and false past, which is extremely idealized. In this way it facilitates the fragmentation of the majority of the population and makes them accept adjustment to the logic of the reproduction of domination by the imperialist oligopolies. This fragmentation hardly disturbs that domination; on the contrary, it makes the task easier. The individual does not become a conscious, lucid agent of social transformation, but the slave of triumphant commodification. The citizen disappears, giving way to the consumer/spectator, no longer a citizen who seeks emancipation, but an insignificant creature who accepts submission. References 1 Jacques Andreani, Le Piège, Helsinki et la chute du communisme, Paris: Odile Jacob, 2005. 2 Mathis Wackernagel and William Rees, Notre empreinte écologique, Montréal: Ecosociété, 1999. 3 Elmar Altvater, "The Plagues of Capitalism, Energy Crisis, Climate Collapse, Hunger, and Financial Instabilities," paper presented at the FMA, Caracas, 2008. 4 François Houtart, L'agroénergie, solution pour le climat ou sortie de crise pour le capital? Charleroi: Couleur Livres, 2009 5 Aurélien Boutaud and Natacha Gondran, L'empreinte écologique, Paris: La Découverte, 2009. 6 Giovanni Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century, London: Verso, 1994; Giovanni Arrighi, Adam Smith in Beijing, London: Verso, 2007. The concept of accumulation by dispossession, introduced by Arrighi, like that of "permanent primitive accumulation" which I proposed, characterizes historical capitalism, originated in Europe, through contrast with another path of development to capitalism, inaugurated by China during the Sung and Ming dynasties (Arrighi-Amin correspondence). See, also, Samir Amin, Sur la crise, Pantin: Temps des cerises, 2009, Chapters 2 and 3. 7 Cf. the work of Samir Amin, Sam Moyo, Archie Mafeje, and others in Samir Amin, Sur la crise, op cit, Chapter 5. 8 Joseph Stiglitz, Un autre monde, contre le fanatisme des marches, Paris: Livre de poche, 2009. 9 Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century, op cit. 10 The UN documents in question here are published on UN Web sites. 11 Samir Amin, L'Empire du Chaos, Paris: Harmattan, 1991; Samir Amin, L'hégémonisme des Etats-Unis et l'effacement du projet européen, Paris: Harmattan, 2000 12 Samir Amin, "Aid, for What Development?" (in a book published in English by Fahamu, forthcoming in 2009) 13 Samir Amin, "Is Africa Really Marginalized?" in, Helen Lauer (ed), History and Philosophy of Sciences for African Undergraduates, Ibadan: Hope Pub, 2003. 14 Nkolo Foe, Le post modernisme et le nouvel esprit du capitalisme, Sur une philosophie globale d' Empire, Dakar: Codesria, 2009; Samir Amin, Modernité, religion, démocratie, Critique de l’eurocentrisme et critique des culturalismes, Paris: Parangon, 2008; Samir Amin, Sur la crise, op cit, Chapters 2 and 3; Jacques Rancière, La haine de la démocratie, Paris: La Fabrique, 2008. Samir Amin is director of the Third World Forum in Dakar, Senegal. His recent books include Obsolescent Capitalism (Zed Books), The Liberal Virus (Monthly Review Press, 2004), and The World We Wish to See (Monthly Review Press, 2008). The original article in French, published in two parts by Pambazuka News (on 29 November 2009 and 6 December 2009), may be read at <pambazuka.org/fr/category/features/60658> and <pambazuka.org/fr/category/features/60840>. Translation by Victoria Bawtree and Yoshie Furuhashi. Comments (3) | Print MR StatCounter - Free Web Tracker and Counter Modernism originated in the discourse of the Enlightenment in the 18th century in Europe, together with the triumph of the historical form of European capitalism and imperialism that goes with it, which subsequently conquered the world. It suffers from contradictions and limitations. The ambition to be universal that it formulated is defined by the affirmation of the rights of man (but not necessarily of woman!), which are in fact the rights of bourgeois individualism. Real capitalism, with which this form of modernity is associated, is moreover an imperialism that denies the rights of the non-European peoples who have been conquered and subordinated to the levying of the imperialist rent. Criticism of this bourgeois and capitalist/imperialist modernity is certainly necessary. And Marx effectively undertook this radical critique, which it is always necessary to update and study more deeply. The new Reason considered itself emancipatory; and so it was, to the extent that it freed society from the alienations and oppressions of the Anciens Regimes. It was thus a guarantee of progress, but a form of progress that was limited and contradictory because it was capital which, in the final instance, was to manage society. Post-modernism does not make this radical critique to promote the emancipation of individuals and of society through socialism. Instead it proposes a return to pre-modern, pre-capitalist alienations. The forms of sociability that it promotes are necessarily in line with adherence to a "tribalist" identity for communities (para-religious and para-ethnic), an antipode to what is required to deepen democracy, which has become a synonym for the "tyranny of the people" daring to question the wise management of the executives who serve the oligopolies. Post-modernist critiques of "grand narratives" (the Enlightenment, democracy, progress, socialism, national liberation) do not look to the future but return to an imaginary and false past, which is extremely idealized. In this way it facilitates the fragmentation of the majority of the population and makes them accept adjustment to the logic of the reproduction of domination by the imperialist oligopolies. This fragmentation hardly disturbs that domination; on the contrary, it makes the task easier. The individual does not become a conscious, lucid agent of social transformation, but the slave of triumphant commodification. The citizen disappears, giving way to the consumer/spectator, no longer a citizen who seeks emancipation, but an insignificant creature who accepts submission. References 1 Jacques Andreani, Le Piège, Helsinki et la chute du communisme, Paris: Odile Jacob, 2005. 2 Mathis Wackernagel and William Rees, Notre empreinte écologique, Montréal: Ecosociété, 1999. 3 Elmar Altvater, "The Plagues of Capitalism, Energy Crisis, Climate Collapse, Hunger, and Financial Instabilities," paper presented at the FMA, Caracas, 2008. 4 François Houtart, L'agroénergie, solution pour le climat ou sortie de crise pour le capital? Charleroi: Couleur Livres, 2009 5 Aurélien Boutaud and Natacha Gondran, L'empreinte écologique, Paris: La Découverte, 2009. 6 Giovanni Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century, London: Verso, 1994; Giovanni Arrighi, Adam Smith in Beijing, London: Verso, 2007. The concept of accumulation by dispossession, introduced by Arrighi, like that of "permanent primitive accumulation" which I proposed, characterizes historical capitalism, originated in Europe, through contrast with another path of development to capitalism, inaugurated by China during the Sung and Ming dynasties (Arrighi-Amin correspondence). See, also, Samir Amin, Sur la crise, Pantin: Temps des cerises, 2009, Chapters 2 and 3. 7 Cf. the work of Samir Amin, Sam Moyo, Archie Mafeje, and others in Samir Amin, Sur la crise, op cit, Chapter 5. 8 Joseph Stiglitz, Un autre monde, contre le fanatisme des marches, Paris: Livre de poche, 2009. 9 Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century, op cit. 10 The UN documents in question here are published on UN Web sites. 11 Samir Amin, L'Empire du Chaos, Paris: Harmattan, 1991; Samir Amin, L'hégémonisme des Etats-Unis et l'effacement du projet européen, Paris: Harmattan, 2000 12 Samir Amin, "Aid, for What Development?" (in a book published in English by Fahamu, forthcoming in 2009) 13 Samir Amin, "Is Africa Really Marginalized?" in, Helen Lauer (ed), History and Philosophy of Sciences for African Undergraduates, Ibadan: Hope Pub, 2003. 14 Nkolo Foe, Le post modernisme et le nouvel esprit du capitalisme, Sur une philosophie globale d' Empire, Dakar: Codesria, 2009; Samir Amin, Modernité, religion, démocratie, Critique de l’eurocentrisme et critique des culturalismes, Paris: Parangon, 2008; Samir Amin, Sur la crise, op cit, Chapters 2 and 3; Jacques Rancière, La haine de la démocratie, Paris: La Fabrique, 2008. Samir Amin is director of the Third World Forum in Dakar, Senegal. His recent books include Obsolescent Capitalism (Zed Books), The Liberal Virus (Monthly Review Press, 2004), and The World We Wish to See (Monthly Review Press, 2008). The original article in French, published in two parts by Pambazuka News (on 29 November 2009 and 6 December 2009), may be read at <pambazuka.org/fr/category/features/60658> and <pambazuka.org/fr/category/features/60840>. Translation by Victoria Bawtree and Yoshie Furuhashi. Comments (3) | Print MR StatCounter - Free Web Tracker and Counter "..Modernism originated in the discourse of the Enlightenment in the 18th century in Europe, together with the triumph of the historical form of European capitalism and imperialism that goes with it, which subsequently conquered the world. It suffers from contradictions and limitations. The ambition to be universal that it formulated is defined by the affirmation of the rights of man (but not necessarily of woman!), which are in fact the rights of bourgeois individualism. Real capitalism, with which this form of modernity is associated, is moreover an imperialism that denies the rights of the non-European peoples who have been conquered and subordinated to the levying of the imperialist rent. Criticism of this bourgeois and capitalist/imperialist modernity is certainly necessary. And Marx effectively undertook this radical critique, which it is always necessary to update and study more deeply. The new Reason considered itself emancipatory; and so it was, to the extent that it freed society from the alienations and oppressions of the Anciens Regimes. It was thus a guarantee of progress, but a form of progress that was limited and contradictory because it was capital which, in the final instance, was to manage society. Post-modernism does not make this radical critique to promote the emancipation of individuals and of society through socialism. Instead it proposes a return to pre-modern, pre-capitalist alienations. The forms of sociability that it promotes are necessarily in line with adherence to a "tribalist" identity for communities (para-religious and para-ethnic), an antipode to what is required to deepen democracy, which has become a synonym for the "tyranny of the people" daring to question the wise management of the executives who serve the oligopolies. Post-modernist critiques of "grand narratives" (the Enlightenment, democracy, progress, socialism, national liberation) do not look to the future but return to an imaginary and false past, which is extremely idealized. In this way it facilitates the fragmentation of the majority of the population and makes them accept adjustment to the logic of the reproduction of domination by the imperialist oligopolies. This fragmentation hardly disturbs that domination; on the contrary, it makes the task easier. The individual does not become a conscious, lucid agent of social transformation, but the slave of triumphant commodification. The citizen disappears, giving way to the consumer/spectator, no longer a citizen who seeks emancipation, but an insignificant creature who accepts submission.." References 1 Jacques Andreani, Le Piège, Helsinki et la chute du communisme, Paris: Odile Jacob, 2005. 2 Mathis Wackernagel and William Rees, Notre empreinte écologique, Montréal: Ecosociété, 1999. 3 Elmar Altvater, "The Plagues of Capitalism, Energy Crisis, Climate Collapse, Hunger, and Financial Instabilities," paper presented at the FMA, Caracas, 2008. 4 François Houtart, L'agroénergie, solution pour le climat ou sortie de crise pour le capital? Charleroi: Couleur Livres, 2009 5 Aurélien Boutaud and Natacha Gondran, L'empreinte écologique, Paris: La Découverte, 2009. 6 Giovanni Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century, London: Verso, 1994; Giovanni Arrighi, Adam Smith in Beijing, London: Verso, 2007. The concept of accumulation by dispossession, introduced by Arrighi, like that of "permanent primitive accumulation" which I proposed, characterizes historical capitalism, originated in Europe, through contrast with another path of development to capitalism, inaugurated by China during the Sung and Ming dynasties (Arrighi-Amin correspondence). See, also, Samir Amin, Sur la crise, Pantin: Temps des cerises, 2009, Chapters 2 and 3. 7 Cf. the work of Samir Amin, Sam Moyo, Archie Mafeje, and others in Samir Amin, Sur la crise, op cit, Chapter 5. 8 Joseph Stiglitz, Un autre monde, contre le fanatisme des marches, Paris: Livre de poche, 2009. 9 Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century, op cit. 10 The UN documents in question here are published on UN Web sites. 11 Samir Amin, L'Empire du Chaos, Paris: Harmattan, 1991; Samir Amin, L'hégémonisme des Etats-Unis et l'effacement du projet européen, Paris: Harmattan, 2000 12 Samir Amin, "Aid, for What Development?" (in a book published in English by Fahamu, forthcoming in 2009) 13 Samir Amin, "Is Africa Really Marginalized?" in, Helen Lauer (ed), History and Philosophy of Sciences for African Undergraduates, Ibadan: Hope Pub, 2003. 14 Nkolo Foe, Le post modernisme et le nouvel esprit du capitalisme, Sur une philosophie globale d' Empire, Dakar: Codesria, 2009; Samir Amin, Modernité, religion, démocratie, Critique de l’eurocentrisme et critique des culturalismes, Paris: Parangon, 2008; Samir Amin, Sur la crise, op cit, Chapters 2 and 3; Jacques Rancière, La haine de la démocratie, Paris: La Fabrique, 2008. Samir Amin is director of the Third World Forum in Dakar, Senegal. His recent books include Obsolescent Capitalism (Zed Books), The Liberal Virus (Monthly Review Press, 2004), and The World We Wish to See (Monthly Review Press, 2008). The original article in French, published in two parts by Pambazuka News (on 29 November 2009 and 6 December 2009), may be read at <pambazuka.org/fr/category/features/60658> and <pambazuka.org/fr/category/features/60840>. Translation by Victoria Bawtree and Yoshie Furuhashi. Comments (3) | Print MR StatCounter - Free Web Tracker and Counter -- You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up a nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole. -AMBEDKAR http://venukm.blogspot.com http://www.shelfari.com/kmvenuannur http://kmvenuannur.livejournal.com -- You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Green Youth Movement" group. To post to this group, send an email to [email protected]. To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [email protected]. For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth?hl=en-GB.
