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From: Shiva Shankar <[email protected]>
Date: Tue, May 11, 2010 at 8:41 AM
Subject: The Compassionate Revolution: Radical Politics and Buddhism
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'... The Buddhist principle of unconditional generosity, which seems
so outlandish from a conventional perspective, makes perfect sense in
the context of dissent. ... It is a counter-intuitive message perhaps,
but a compelling one. Compassion - not anger, facts, action or even
protest - should be central to the effective struggle for freedom and
democracy. The compassionate way might initially strike us as
incredibly difficult, but it is at least possible, and therefore
preferable to the impossible attempt to achieve a compassionate
society through violence and hatred. ...'


The Compassionate Revolution: Radical Politics and Buddhism by David Edwards

Reviewed by David Cromwell

Green Books 1998, £9.95 ISBN 1-870098-70-6

Let's get straight to the point. What does Buddhism have to do with
radical politics? According to David Edwards, author of the remarkable
Free to Be Human, the answer is "everything". The roots of Buddhism
lie in compassion, and it is compassion - not anger - that empowers
activists and dissidents, whether they be environmentalists, human
rights campaigners, or anyone else concerned about social and
ecological justice. At present, argues Edwards, "Our capacity for
compassion is hobbled, vestigial, a fact that explains our failure to
generate effective resistance to the forces of greed and hatred
currently laying waste to our planet." Simply put, compassion is the
root of all successful dissent.

In The Compassionate Revolution, it is claimed that the destructive
capitalist system arises from the three Buddhist "poisons" of greed,
hatred and ignorance: greed for profit at almost any cost, hatred of
obstacles to profit, and public ignorance of the links between Western
interests on the one hand and Third World dictators and environmental
degradation on the other. The key to demolishing systems of
exploitative power is awareness rooted in compassion for all living
things, not feelings of anger and hatred which overwhelm and
neutralise too many dissidents. "There is no possibility of weakening
the bonds of delusion without combating our own greed and hatred, on
which this system depends. The antitode to ignorance rooted in greed
is awareness rooted in compassion." Edwards anticipating a sceptical
response, responds thus: "Although we Westerners may find this
woefully naïve, presumably not many of us can claim to do so on the
basis of personal experience. Can we say that unconditional kindness
and compassion have ever been at the heart of the Western 'left'
response to corporate capitalism?"

The implications for all activists, including the building of networks
to counter the present unsustainable system, are both profound and
practical: "The Buddhist principle of unconditional generosity, which
seems so outlandish from a conventional perspective, makes perfect
sense in the context of dissent. If we truly care about the suffering
of others, and believe that the dissolution of the deceptions that
maintain exploitative power (for example, by suppressing our capacity
for compassion) is a key way to aid that suffering, then seeking to
involve and support our fellow activists as far as we are able -
encouraging, advising, assisting in any way we can - is the best way
to achieve that end."

Perhaps the biggest structural barrier to achieving such an end is the
lack of substantive debate in public life, largely shaped by powerful
media sources. Despite an unprecedented display of sophisticated
citizen protest against economic globalisation in Seattle last year,
mainstream reporting was still dominated by images of "street
protest", "ugly violence", and "riots". Edwards tackles the age-old
problem of media bias from a new angle, revealing how it arises from
the inherent greed, hatred and ignorance of a capitalist society. This
augments the cogent analysis made by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky in
their 1988 book, Manufacturing Consent, which detailed a "propaganda
model of media control". Their model explains how money and power is
able to filter out news which is not "fit to print", marginalise civic
dissent, and allow government and big business to broadcast their
messages to the public.

But as Edwards carefully explains: "Noconspiracy theory is required,
merely an understanding of the standard operation of market forces. In
fact the theory of 'democratic' thought control not only does not
propose a conspiracy but actually requires the absence of any such
conspiracy. Thought control of this sophistication could not be
achieved, let alone maintained, through any kind of conspiracy, for
the simple reason, that it would quickly be exposed and so made
largely impotent (as was the case, for example, in the Soviet Union)."

Buddhism teaches us that the first step to liberation is awareness of
the nature of reality. The noble eightfold path is the development of
ethical conduct, hand in hand with wisdom, that ultimately
extinguishes dukkha, the suffering, impermanence and imperfection of
our daily lives. Consider how this translates to radical political
activism; that we must appreciate the nature and extent of the problem
facing us, namely "the institutionalized subordination of people and
planet to corporate profit". Only an awareness of this allows us to
move to the second goal of liberation: identifying a realistic
alternative system that honours human justice and environmental
protection.

Working towards these aims requires us to examine ourselves, and our
relationships with each other. "Dissidents are a famously irate bunch,
keen to stick to facts and political discussion, but unwilling to look
closely at their own motivation. They are alsonotoriously angry and
full of hatred for those they deem responsible for our woes." Such
hatred, which occasionally manifests as railing against corporate
bosses who are trapped by selfish material satisfaction and dreams of
empire-building, may be understandable, but it is ultimately
self-defeating. Edwards quotes from one of the tales in Aryasura's The
Marvellous Companion, "Alas for those shameless ones who, in the name
of expediency, oppress humanity and extend amorality. I do not see
that such actions have gained you either pleasure or joy." In other
words, our corporate and political masters (the "shameless ones") have
not attained ultimate happiness in pursuing their own greed, whims, or
desire to dominate others.

It is a counter-intuitive message perhaps, but a compelling one.
Compassion - not anger, facts, action or even protest - should be
central to the effective struggle for freedom and democracy. "The
compassionate way might initially strike us as incredibly difficult,
but it is at least possible, and therefore preferable to the
impossible attempt to achieve a compassionate society through violence
and hatred. Feelings of hatred and anger do not even bring peace in
relationships between friends, spouses, families; they prevent even
dedicated people from forming cohesive movements for social change.
How then can they bring anything but chaos and disaster to a whole
world?"

David Edwards has written an inspiring, incisive and essential work
which ought to occupy a place on the bookshelf alongside Herman and
Chomsky, as well as other brave and compassionate dissidents such as
John Pilger, Howard Zinn, Sharon Beder and Vandana Shiva. Ultimately
hopeful, this clear-sighted book maps out the compassionate revolution
that, whether or not they acknowledge it yet, activists the world over
are seeking.

David Cromwell, February 7, 2000


-- 


You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot
build up a nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you
will build on the foundations of caste will crack and will never be a
whole.
-AMBEDKAR



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