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*"
*

*...The Contradictions of Maoism:*


The key contradiction of Indian Maoism flowed from its inability to break
the shackles of Stalinist substitutionism. Who will play the leading role in
the revolutionary process? Formally, all “Marxists” begin by answering, “the
working class”. But then, for the Social Democracy, the role of the working
class is exhausted by voting for the socialist party periodically. For the
Stalinists, the party represents the working class. The voice of the party
is the voice of the working class for all practical purposes. Whether
“revolutionary” or “reformist”, parties of Stalinist orientation agree that
the party is the conscious section of the class, not because it continuously
replenishes itself by recruiting the best, most militant elements of the
working class and ensures a continuity of proletarian leadership, but
because by self-proclamation and definition, the party is the vanguard of
the class.  By accepting the Chinese CP’s leadership, including its
glorification of Stalin, the CPI(ML) was opening itself to the same errors.
The programme of the party said that “the working class can and will
exercise its leadership over the Peoples’ Democratic Revolution though its
political party”, the
CPI(ML).[16]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn16>This
assumed that the working class has only one political party. Moreover,
the working class does not have any other organisational forum through which
it can express its viewpoint. This suspicion hardens, when we also read that
the working class will play its vanguard role by sending its class conscious
vanguard elements to organise and lead the armed struggles of the peasants.
[17]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn17>In
other words, the central task of the party was seen as organising an
agrarian armed revolution. In a country with its rich working class history,
decades of patient communist work among the workers, the development of
trade unions, this was an utterly destructive line. About the cities, Charu
Mazumdar had only vague hopes, not a political strategy. The
Political-Organisational Report adopted by the first Congress of the CPI(ML)
asserted that through the process of building the party, the revisionist
line had been defeated. One aspect of this revisionist line was the building
of mass movements and mass organisations for economic
demands.[18]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn18>In
addition, it was claimed that the armed struggle of the peasants was
inspiring the workers and the petit
bourgeoisie.[19]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn19>In
other words, the leading role of the working class was a token
genuflection to the canons of Marxism. Majumdar’s speech on that occasion
said that building the party means the development of armed class struggle.
[20]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn20>(missing
out the “armed” was tantamount to instant degeneration). About the
cities, he just expressed the hope that a revolutionary tide would come
among the workers, not only in Calcutta, but
everywhere.[21]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn21>How
it would come, by withdrawing revolutionary cadres from the mass
movements and organisations, was left totally unexplained. Revolutionaries
who opposed giving up the trade unions had already found themselves being
ignored, then pushed out. Parimal Dasgupta in Bengal, Purnendu Majumdar
in South Bihar (now Jharkhand) had to go their own ways. Further articles by
majumdar showed the real content of his strategy. Thus, the article ‘A Few
Words About Guerilla Action’, reveal that ctually it was a petty bourgeois
led peasant action, and had nothing to do with the working
class.[22]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn22>Another
article by Majumdar, ‘To the Working Class’, repudiated general
strikes as ineffective, repudiated economic struggles in the name of
opposing revisionism, and simply exhorted workers to participate in armed
peasant 
struggles.[23]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn23>Indeed,
he argued that it was not possible for workers to defend themselves with
trade unions, so the party should not build or bother about trade unions,
but only build secret party organizations among the
workers.[24]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn24>Bloodshed
and barricade fighting were envisaged, but without struggles that
would really enhance the consciousness of the working class – unless
exhorting them to read Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse Tung and attacking
the revisionists count as real
struggles.[25]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn25>


Why did Marx and Engels stress the historic role of the working class and
why did they insist on protracted learning processes through participation
in concrete 
struggles?[26]<http://www.radicalsocialist.in/index.php/articles/marxist-theory/246-the-path-of-naxalbari#_edn26>Two
points are made here. The first is again the basic Marxist strategy,
that the emancipation of the working classes is a task of the working
classes themselves, not handed over to a group of self-proclaimed
revolutionaries even if they drape the Collected Works of Marx and Engels
over their bodies."



-- 


You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up a
nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the
foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole.
-AMBEDKAR



http://venukm.blogspot.com

http://www.shelfari.com/kmvenuannur

http://kmvenuannur.livejournal.com

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