"..IF THE various countries that are supposedly socialist aren't, then what
is the alternative? I have been asked more than once if this means that we
all need to go back to sewing our own clothes, growing our own food and
building our own houses. Perhaps, people often believe, the problem is the
size and complexity (not to mention the environmental destruction) wrought
by industrial production itself"

But in this regard, capitalism has done us a favor. As Karl Marx and
Frederick Engels put it in the *Communist Manifesto*:

The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created
more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding
generations together. Subjection of nature's forces to man, machinery,
application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam-navigation,
railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation,
canalization of rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground--what
earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces
slumbered in the lap of social labor?

The growth of society's "productive forces"--that is, the capacity to
efficiently produce the necessities of life--means that for the first time
in history, it's possible to meet humanity's needs for food, clothing and
shelter while still allowing people adequate time to develop their level of
education, to take part in decision-making about society's overall
direction, and to enjoy a degree of leisure previously unthinkable.

The problem is that under capitalism, all decisions about what to produce
and how to produce are subordinated to a simple consideration: how to
maximize profits. So long as the economy is organized around this principle,
the exploitation of workers, environmental devastation and international
economic competition that spills over into military conflict will persist.

The socialist alternative to this is to put workers, instead of capitalists,
in control of decisions about what to produce, how to produce it and how to
distribute the collective output of society at a local, regional, national
and international level.

Of course, the capitalist owners of industry can't be persuaded to simply
hand over control of the economy. It must be fought for. And the socialist
movement has learned, through bitter
experience<http://www.isreview.org/issues/06/chile.shtml>,
that voting socialists into office in the hopes that they can successfully
carry out an expropriation of the capitalist class is a strategy doomed to
failure.

But the self-emancipation of the working class, as Marx termed the process
by which workers carry out a revolution, is essential not just because the
capitalist class and the state won't concede unless they face a
revolutionary challenge.

The struggle by which workers emancipate themselves economically and
politically also plays an indispensable role in workers learning about their
own collective power and the interests that they share with other workers
who may differ from them in terms of gender, race, ethnicity or religion.

As Marx put it in the *German Ideology*, "This revolution is necessary,
therefore, not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any
other way, but because only in a revolution can the class overthrowing it
rid itself of all the muck of ages and fit itself to found society anew."

It has been nearly 100 years since a revolution succeeded in overthrowing
the older order in order "to found society anew"--during the 1917 Russian
Revolution. But within a matter of 10 years, the Russian Revolution turned
into its opposite, strangled by the failure of the revolution to succeed in
even one of the many Western European powers shaken by mass workers' revolts
in those tumultuous years.

In reality, the problem facing the Russian working class was not
industrialization, but the lack of it. Years of civil war and invasions by
14 different imperialist countries seeking to expand into what they
perceived as a vacuum created by the revolution essentially destroyed the
Russian working class, making it impossible to maintain workers' control
over production and workers' democracy in the administration of society's
overall affairs.

This is what enabled Joseph Stalin to concentrate power in the hands of the
bureaucracy--and ruthlessly eliminate his opponents who understood that
Stalin aimed to overturn all that they had achieved.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

WORKERS' CONTROL of production and distribution requires workers to erect
their own democratic state on the ruins of the old, to seize control over
production and distribution and to reorganize these spheres of economic life
around the principle of meeting human need instead of maximizing profit.

Again and again, workers, in the course of resisting capitalism, build
counter-institutions that get their start as organs of collective struggle,
but which are able potentially to evolve into alternative institutions of
state power.

The rich history of such institutions are hidden from view by the work of
historians who focus more on heads of state than on the struggles of regular
people to shape the world around them--and who ignore that such
counter-institutions spring up again and again as an organic part of
workers' struggles.

A short list of merely the most famous of these historical episodes would
include Paris in 1871, Russia in 1917 and Germany in 1918 as well as Hungary
in 1956, Chile in 1973, Iran in 1979 and Poland in 1981.

In each of these examples, workers organized strikes and other kinds of
resistance against their conditions of exploitation and oppression, but they
went a step further. They set up workers' councils (called by many different
names, but in essence fulfilling the same function) to coordinate their
efforts.

At the same time, these formations gave workers a means of carrying out
production under their own control and insuring that the products of their
labor were used to feed and sustain their challenge to the status quo,
rather than supply the defenders of the old order with the resources to
defeat the workers' councils and the vision of a new society they
represented.

In a socialist society, workers' councils at the school, hospital,
warehouse, and factory level would be essential to give workers a say in the
day-to-day running of their workplaces. Each workplace council would also
send elected delegates to coordinate decision-making on an industry-wide and
economy-wide basis.

Because these delegates would be drawn directly from and accountable to the
base, because they would be paid the same as the rest of the workers in that
workplace and known by their co-workers, and because they would be
recallable if they failed to exercise the will of those who elected them,
such councils would give workers the ability to have a real and deciding say
in every aspect of society.

Needless to say, the political and business establishment in the examples
cited above didn't relinquish their wealth, power and privilege without a
fight. Thus, achieving workers' democratic control over production requires
a confrontation with the state to succeed in the long run.

As a result, the transition from capitalism to socialism can't be a gradual
or incremental process by which the state enacts reforms and progressively
takes ownership of more and larger chunks of the economy. Rather, socialism
represents a revolutionary break with the present system--and depends on the
active struggles of workers and their subsequent engagement with every
aspect of governing society in their own interest, under the guiding
principle of human need before corporate greed.
http://socialistworker.org/2010/11/22/does-socialism-exist


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11/22
Monday, November 22nd

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11/19
Friday, November 19th

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11/18
Thursday, November 18th

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11/17
Wednesday, November 17th

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11/16
Tuesday, November 16th

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Monday, November 15th

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Socialism]<http://www.haymarketbooks.org/pb/The-Case-for-Socialism>
   - [image: WeAreMany.org] <http://wearemany.org/>
   - [image: Chris Williams | Ecology and Socialism: Solutions to Capitalist
   Ecological Crisis]<http://www.haymarketbooks.org/pb/Ecology-and-Socialism>



-- 


You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up a
nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the
foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole.
-AMBEDKAR



http://venukm.blogspot.com

http://www.shelfari.com/kmvenuannur

http://kmvenuannur.livejournal.com

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