Yes, I too had read this and found it to be a balanced and reasoned one.

On 12 April 2011 22:10, Sukla Sen <[email protected]> wrote:

> [The Indian Express is virtually running a concerted campaign against the
> anti-corruption movement under way at the moment.
> But this one is arguably a very perceptive and balanced analysis.
> Needs be read together with Mukul Sharma's 'The Making of Anna Hazare',
> another unsympathetic but detailed and nuanced treatment, at <
> http://kafila.org/2011/04/12/the-making-of-anna-hazare/>.
>
> Quote
> *
>
>  If democracy on the one hand is about popular sovereignty, freedom and
> equality, it is also about procedures and principles. One of these
> principles is the separation of powers. It is of the utmost importance that
> power should not be concentrated in one institution, and that democratic
> decisions should be subject to review not only by citizens, but also by
> other state institutions to ensure conformity with the Constitution.
> Democracy is the only form of government that is capable of self-
>
> correction; this should not be compromised for any reason whatsoever.
> *
>
> **
>
> *...*
>
> *
>
>  But this does not mean that we uncritically accept civil society
> initiatives as wholly good and entirely democratic. Civil society is a
> plural space, and some organisations can carry within them the seeds of
> authoritarianism, and of an inexorable “will to power”. These initiatives
> should also be subjected to public scrutiny and engaged with. Eternal
> vigilance is, after all, the price we willingly pay for democracy.
>
> *Unquote]
>
> http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-seeds-of-authoritarianism/774794/0
>
> The seeds of authoritarianism
>
> *Neera Chandhoke <http://www.indianexpress.com/columnist/neerachandhoke/>*
> *Tue Apr 12 2011, 02:41 hrs
> Any perceptive analyst of democracy will testify that there is no necessary
> relationship between democracy and a corruption-proof regime, or
> development, or political stability. If we were to evaluate democracy from
> the vantage point of the desired ends we expect it to realise, it would fare
> rather poorly when compared to authoritarian governments, say the one
> institutionalised in Singapore by its former prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew.
> Yew transformed Singapore from a malaria-infested swamp to an economic
> powerhouse, and a major centre of finance. The island-state has one of the
> highest per capita incomes in the world, possesses a world-class educational
> and health system, and boasts of an incorruptible public service.
>
>  But the regime ruthlessly controls the press, does not permit freedom of
> expression, and stamps out dissidence — and, often, dissidents. It might
> have controlled corruption, achieved material well-being, and become one of
> the financial power centres of the world; but Singapore does not respect the
> two prime fundamentals of democracy as India does: popular sovereignty and
> the equal moral status of citizens.
>
>  This is not to celebrate India’s democracy, which is deeply flawed in many
> crucial respects. It is to point out that the proposed solutions for a
> corruption-free India that are currently on offer might not be democratic at
> all. I am by no means downplaying the achievements of the struggle against
> corruption. Anna Hazare is significant because his fast unto death catalysed
> the exasperation and the anger of Indian citizens against a system which has
> trapped all of us in its ugly and greedy clutches. The sight of hundreds of
> people holding candles in their hand was moving because it transmitted two
> powerful messages.
>
>  One, the political elite is but the representative of the people, and the
> people are entitled to demand accountability of these representatives for
> all acts of omission and commission. Two, all those hundreds of crores that
> pass from hand to hand; from ministers, to industrial houses, to lobbyists,
> to shady firms, and to individuals, are public money. People have a right to
> demand that the taxes that are extracted from them are spent for the public
> good and not for private gain.
>
>  So, when members of the political elite castigate the campaign against
> corruption as blackmail, it occasions a blink. Hello guys, this is what
> civil society is about. In 1790, the eminent Irish orator, wit, legal
> luminary, and member of the British parliament, John Curran (1750-1817) had
> suggested that “the condition on which god hath given liberty to man is
> eternal vigilance.” This is the historical mandate of civil society. In
> democratic states, civil society is expected to keep watch on violations of
> democratic norms by the state, through citizen activism, the making and
> circulation of informed public opinion, a free media, a multiplicity of
> social associations and sundry means of protest.
>
>  Yet a word of caution might be in order here. Confronted with the
> intractable problems that the messy but occasionally creative world of
> democracy brings with it, some civil society organisations prefer to
> substitute democracy with administration. Establish a Jan Lokpal, endow it
> with colossal power, bestow on it the status of a Leviathan, and all our
> problems will be solved. Sorry, this is not democratic.
>
>  If democracy on the one hand is about popular sovereignty, freedom and
> equality, it is also about procedures and principles. One of these
> principles is the separation of powers. It is of the utmost importance that
> power should not be concentrated in one institution, and that democratic
> decisions should be subject to review not only by citizens, but also by
> other state institutions to ensure conformity with the Constitution.
> Democracy is the only form of government that is capable of self-correction;
> this should not be compromised for any reason whatsoever.
>
>  Certainly corruption is a major issue and needs to be fought, but
> according to procedures and norms, and in keeping with the mandate of the
> Constitution. The country is not Ralegan Siddhi, where alcoholics are
> flogged to make them give up their ways. India is democratic, and in a
> democracy even guilty people have rights. Anna Hazare may have earned the
> status of a big brother, but no democrat can allow him to turn this Lokpal
> into another big brother right out of the pages of George Orwell’s projected
> nightmare.
>
>  More worrying are the political beliefs held by this gentleman. He wants
> corrupt people to be put to death! In a civilised society, surely, the very
> idea of capital punishment is anathema. What gives cause for even more
> anxiety is the extraordinarily low opinion that this Gandhian has of the
> very people who had rallied around him during his fast. “Ordinary voter
> [sic] does not have awareness”, he is reported to have said in a meeting
> with the press. “They cast their vote under the influence of Rs 100 or a
> bottle of liquor or a sari offered by candidates. They do not understand the
> value of their vote.”
>
>  This is an astonishing statement. Does not contempt for the ordinary
> Indian citizen defy the very rationale of democracy, and that of its major
> claim to legitimacy, that of equal moral status? Moreover, Anna Hazare
> should pay more attention to the history of elections. Does he really not
> remember how arbitrary and non-performing governments have been voted out of
> power in national and state elections?
>
>  More significantly this “voting out” has been carried out by the very
> ordinary Indian who he betrays such disdain for. Despite all its flaws,
> political democracy in the country has enabled large numbers of poor and
> marginal people to understand the power of the franchise, enter the public
> arena of politics, and to some degree influence the political discourse, and
> the fate of governments.
>
>  To wrap up the argument, it is time the holders of state power understand
> that mobilisation in civil society against or for policies, is an integral
> part of democratic politics, particularly when our representatives have
> betrayed us time and again. The state enacts, implements and adjudicates
> policies in our name, and governs in our name. We, therefore, have the right
> to ask why we should accept unjust and arbitrary policies, and above all,
> corruption.
>
>  But this does not mean that we uncritically accept civil society
> initiatives as wholly good and entirely democratic. Civil society is a
> plural space, and some organisations can carry within them the seeds of
> authoritarianism, and of an inexorable “will to power”. These initiatives
> should also be subjected to public scrutiny and engaged with. Eternal
> vigilance is, after all, the price we willingly pay for democracy.
>
>  The writer is professor of political science at the University of Delhi
>
> **
> *
>
>
>
> --
> Peace Is Doable
>
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-- 
Kavita Krishnan
9560756628

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