*The sounds of silence: Child sexual abuse in India*

By Havovi Wadia

53% of children in India face some form of child sexual abuse. To what
extent will the new Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Bill help?
And is it time for campaigners to replace ‘vulnerability’ with ‘oppression’
and ‘protection’ with ‘empowerment’ in the battle against CSA?


The recent sentencing of Alan Waters and Duncan Grant to six years’
imprisonment for the sexual abuse of young boys who were in their care at
the Anchorage shelter in South Mumbai has once again drawn our attention to
the need for stringent legislation and action against those who exploit
children for sexual purposes.

Earlier this year, the central government did draft such a legislation: the
Protection of Children Against Sexual Offences Bill was sent to the various
states for consideration. One version of the Bill became available to the
press through sources at the Ministry of Women and Child Development. One
clause in particular (regarding the decriminalising of non-penetrative
sexual exploration between children older than 12) was much discussed in
various public and media forums. Prior to this, the sexual abuse of children
became a matter of public interest following publication of the report by
the MWCD entitled ‘Study on Child Abuse India 2007’ which revealed that more
than 53% of children in India have probably been sexually abused and many
have never shared the fact of this abuse with anyone.

Periodically therefore, when there is a report that generates public
interest or a high-profile case of paedophilia, the sexual abuse of children
becomes a matter of public concern and often of anger and indignation. As
Chris Jenks points out in his essay published in 1996, *Suffer Little
Children: A Sociological Analysis of Changing Attitudes to Child Abuse in
the Late-Twentieth Century’* child abuse is one of those topics/issues in
response to which “normative assumptions inherent in the notions of
‘decency’ and ‘right-mindedness’ are automatically invoked”.

The present article focuses on the issue of child sexual abuse in India as a
sociological one. There are several arguments made in the field of childhood
studies on the linkages between the notions of Child and Nation and the
overloading of nostalgia and romance that surrounds the trope of Childhood.
In that discourse the public furore and the similarity of response among
various stakeholders is read as an automatic defence of discourses
concerning  “stability, integration and the social bond”. In itself, this
approach contains much to learn from and take cognisance of for all those
who engage in various ways with this issue. However, this makes for a
separate argument and article altogether. For the moment, it is necessary to
understand the extent of the problem of CSA in India and the ways in which
child protection mechanisms of the state and civil society engage with it.

*What is child sexual abuse?*

According to the World Health Organisation, child sexual abuse is the
involvement of a child in sexual activity that he or she does not fully
comprehend, is unable to give informed consent to, or that violates the laws
or social taboos of society.

It is important at this stage, to separate the broader issue of child abuse
from the specific one of child sexual abuse. Child abuse may be emotional,
mental, physical or sexual and encompasses a much wider gamut of actions.
Child sexual abuse is that which targets sexuality and/or sexual organs,
involves sexual gestures, words, pictures, actions.
 Children who have faced some amount of sexual abuse 53%  Children who
report having been sexually assaulted 6%  Cases where the abuser was in a
relationship of trust with the child 50%

While releasing the report on child abuse in India, Women and Child
Development Minister Renuka Chowdhury said, “Child abuse is shrouded in
secrecy and there is a conspiracy of silence around the entire subject.”
This is only one of the many problems faced by those working in social
development, legislation and justice, both in government and non-government
bodies. The above-mentioned report for instance says, “One of the major
problems in understanding the scope of the subject of 'child abuse' is that
it is extremely difficult to get responses from children on such a sensitive
subject because of their inability to fully understand the different
dimensions of child abuse and to talk about their experiences. It is
therefore difficult to gather data on abused children.” Child rights
activists argue that the problem may not be the child’s inability to speak
about sensitive subjects, as much as the lack of skills on the part of the
questioners to create the environment and the trust required to enable the
child to share his/her experiences.

*Child sexual abuse in India*

Currently, the Indian Constitution recognises various crimes against
children that are linked to their sexual abuse – The Immoral Traffic
(Prevention) Act that protects children below the age of 16 from being used
for the purposes of commercial sex. The Juvenile Justice Act Section 26
(Exploitation of Juvenile or Child Employee) provides for punishment if a
person procures a juvenile for hazardous employment. The Prohibition of
Child Marriage Act also makes punishable the practice of marrying girls
under the age of 18 and boys under the age of 21. In addition to these
legislations there is also a commission for the protection of the rights of
children which inquires into various violations of child rights and
recommends initiation of proceedings as seen necessary.

It is important to understand that sexual offences against children can and
are committed in all the above situations – marriage, trafficking,
employment -- and in many more. It is equally important to understand the
kinds of social and legislative circumstances that allow for and may even be
a reason for sexual abuse. Interactions with people in slums in urban
centres for instance, reveals that many get their children married young to
protect them from sexual abuse. Once a girl attains puberty she begins to be
seen as sexually available. For some parents marriage is the only way to
ensure that the girl is ‘unavailable’ to others for abuse.

Among the Naths of Bihar, prostitution is a way of life. When a family
doesn’t have a daughter, girls are purchased from other parts of the state
and pushed into sex work so that the family can live off their earnings.
Children who work as domestic labour, or help in hotels and restaurants, are
susceptible to sexual abuse at the hands of employers and customers. In
addition to these situations, children across caste and class lines are
vulnerable within their families, to abuse from relatives and friends of the
family.

A number of children go missing every year – some are sold by their
families, some are kidnapped, others lured by the promise of a better life
both for themselves and their kin. According to CRY (Child Rights and You)

   - 8,945 children go missing in India every year
   - 500,000 children are estimated to be forced into the sex trade every
   year
   - Approximately 2 million child commercial sex workers are between the
   ages of 5 and 15 years
   - Approximately 3.3 million child commercial sex workers are between 15
   and 18 years
   - Children form 40% of the total population of commercial sex workers
   - 80% of these children are found in the five metros – Delhi, Mumbai,
   Kolkata, Chennai and Bangalore
   - 71% of them are illiterate.

It is thus apparent that a network of deprivations and vulnerabilities –
poverty, age, gender, caste, lack of safe spaces, lack of schools, lack of
proper institutional care for children without functional families -- create
situations where children are sexually exploited. While some psychologists
do argue that violators are ‘psychopathic’ or ‘dysfunctional’ in various
ways, it is important to identify and engage with the many ways in which
children become disempowered in our society so that they are seen as easy
targets of sexual oppression.

*Vulnerability or oppression?*

Jenny Kitzinger (*Defending Innocence: Ideologies of Childhood*) critiques
the over-emphasis on children’s vulnerability and the resulting lack of
control that children have over their bodies. According to her, “...the
notion of children’s innate vulnerability...is an ideology of control which
diverts attention away from the socially constructed oppression of
children...” She suggests that as a first step we replace notions of
‘vulnerability’ with ‘oppression’ or ‘powerlessness’ and discourses of
‘protection’ with those of ‘empowerment’. Going a step further, she
denounces the practice of telling a child that s/he “can say ‘no’”. At best
she feels that this is an individualist solution. At worst, it is giving the
child a sense that s/he can resist a power that in reality, s/he can
probably not.

As a society, it is important to recognise that the sexual exploitation of
children is fundamentally about power. For instance, the case of a
15-year-old girl who was raped by a policeman in Mumbai shows clearly how
both power and the lack of it collude to render children vulnerable. The
victim is from a poor family and was to be ‘helped’ by the person who took
her to the policeman for sexual exploitation. Her assaulter was not only
male and adult, but also a policeman – someone considered very powerful by
the *aam aadmi* in the city.

Those who target children realise that they are less likely to speak about
the incident/s, that even if they do few will believe them, that even if
they are believed there may be little that community members will do about
it, that even if some action is taken there are loopholes in court processes
that can be availed of. In the Anchorage case for instance, despite several
articulate lawyers and activists being involved in the entire process on
behalf of the children who were abused, the High Court saw the children as
‘unreliable witnesses’.

*Legislation to protect children from sexual abuse*

In order to address various circumstances and degrees of sexual offences
against children, in 2005, the Offences Against Children Bill was drafted.
In 2007, the law ministry rejected the bill saying that there was no reason
for a separate enactment since the various issues the bill focussed on were
already covered by other legislations. In 2009 discussions anchored by TULIR
Centre for the Prevention and Healing of Child Sexual Abuse led to the
framing of a specific bill for sexual offences against children. The
Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Bill has currently been sent to
the state governments for consideration.

The draft of the Prevention of Sexual Offences Against Children Bill 2011
delineates various kinds of sexual abuse and the prescribed response to each
under the law. It clearly distinguishes between sexual assault, aggravated
sexual assault, penetrative sexual assault, aggravated penetrative sexual
assault and sexual harassment. In each case, the kinds of actions that fall
under the section are specified, and minimum and maximum punishments given.
In the final section of the Bill, there is a detailed section that lists
responsibilities of various dutybearers to the child -- police officers,
child support services, medical officer and case worker. It also lists the
protocol to be followed by police and medical practitioners, as well as
during court processes.

1. It acknowledges and engages with sexual crimes of all kinds --
real/virtual; penetrative/ non- penetrative; homosexual/ heterosexual/
bestial; verbal/ physical.

   Pro: This is a major improvement on the earlier situation, when child
   sexual abuse was clubbed with sexual abuse of adults. It acknowledges that
   sexual violations can be of various kinds and that in the case of children,
   the state must take a clear punitive stand on any kind of sexual violation.
   Con: People who provide support to victims of CSA often prefer that the
   distinction be between contact and non-contact sexual offences. They feel
   this detailing may offer loopholes in implementation that are not being
   foreseen currently.

2. It is gender-inclusive, accepting that the perpetrators as well as the
victims may be either male or female.

   Pro: It is otherwise commonly assumed that sexual abuse can only be
   initiated by a male upon a female child. The recent study on CSA by the
   Government of India indicates that boys possibly face more sexual abuse than
   girls.

3. It puts the onus of innocence on the accused

   Pro: Under this Bill, the person accused of CSA would need to prove his
   innocence rather than having to be proven guilty. This would imply that a
   person once accused of CSA would be assumed guilty until proven otherwise.
   Some activists feel that this provision is necessary to protect victims and
   to ensure that the process focuses on procuring justice for children.
   Con: While the intent behind the provision is probably to ensure that the
   pressure of proof does not rest on the victim, many have raised objection to
   it stating that it is in violation of a fundamental principle of justice in
   India - that a person is innocent until proven guilty.

4. It specifies timeframes within which each state must have the required
mechanisms and bodies in place to enable it to be responsive towards cases
of child sexual abuse

   Pro: The length of the legal process has been a recurrent problem
   especially with criminal cases where children are victims. Under this Bill,
   there will be separate courts in   place within six months, and these courts
   will have a set of child support systems in place to ensure that the
   judicial process is responsive.
   Con: This puts additional pressure on an already overburdened judicial
   system, creating yet another parallel track for them to cater to. Instead of
   facilitating justice, it might be another excuse to delay it.

5. It puts guidelines in place for major stakeholders in the process, in an
attempt to ensure processes that are sensitive to the child but that also
respect the right of the child to state her/his case/ experience.

   Pro: The Bill’s attention to detail leaves no room for abdication of
   responsibility by those involved in the process of protection of children.
   Con: The excessive focus on processes and requirements for specialists
   duplicates much of what is in the Juvenile Justice Act and only ensures that
   the process of getting the Bill passed will overwhelm the reason for its
   existence.

Several civil society actors have given their feedback on the Bill. HAQ:
Centre for Child Rights welcomes the Bill but requests that it be opened up
for consultation by the parliamentary committee dealing with it as there is
still scope for strengthening it. FACSE (Forum Against Child Sexual
Exploitation) believes that it might be preferable to introduce changes to
the IPC rather than formulate an entirely new legislation. This stand comes
from their experience of the challenges posed for implementation, especially
in smaller cities/ towns and villages where basic judicial processes are
flawed and systems missing. “In Mumbai, there will be pressure to ensure
implementation. But what will happen in other cities, where often police and
other stakeholders are not even aware of provisions for children under the
JJ Act, which is now 10 years old.”

Despite this concern regarding operationalising the Bill, almost all
stakeholders accept that the current legislation is insufficient to deal
with the many circumstances in which children are sexually abused. There is
also an acknowledgement that social workers, superintendents of residential
homes, wardens, counsellors, teachers and family members all need training
and sensitising to the issue and that a minimum set of actions be put in
place enabling people to help a child who is being sexually exploited. It is
only by continuing to hear what children say and develop more ways of
hearing them and enabling them, that mechanisms can be created to address
their exploitation and punish their violators.

*(Havovi Wadia is a development professional with experience in the field of
child rights and human rights. She is currently a PhD student at the Tata
Institute of Social Sciences)*
infochangeindia.org
*~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
"Ours is a battle not for wealth or for power.
 It is a battle for freedom. It is a battle for the reclamation of human
personality."
- Dr BR Ambedkar
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~*

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