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*                                                           End of the Left
in India?*



In a minor replay of 1989 and the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Indian media
have been gloating at the defeat of the Left Front in West Bengal especially
and have repeatedly suggested that this signals the ‘end of the Left in
India’. Even at the best of times our news channels tend to avoid serious
analyses of the underlying trends within the country, since they have
transformed the news itself into a form of entertainment on models surpassed
only by the U.S. news networks.



For its part the CPI(M) leadership has been at pains to minimise the
significance of the defeat (in Bengal especially) and said that it would be
wrong to write off the Left. For them ‘the Left’ means the Left Fronts in
Bengal and Kerala and of course chiefly the CPI(M) itself.  They stress the
fact that they still retain a considerable vote share, just over 40% in West
Bengal for example, and there is indeed some truth in this claim.



We the undersigned beg to differ sharply from both the positions stated
above. To begin with, *the Left in India is not the Left parties alone and
therefore the defeat of the Left parties does not **mean the defeat of the
Left*.  The Left in India has never been reducible to these large
parliamentary fronts and party machines, much less to the groups embattled
in the forests of India, but has always been a much wider spectrum of
organisations, movements and forms of struggle that range from the hundreds
of left-wing trade unions that exist in the country in all the major
industrial centres, unions that are essentially independent of party control
and seeking today to form a national federation, down to the dozens of
popular campaigns and the organisations connected with them. These campaigns
have fought consistently on issues such as displacement at major sites like
the Koel Karo dam, the Baliapal missile range, the Hirakud dam, the Sardar
Sarover project, etc., and there has been and continues to be mass
opposition to the forced acquisition of land by industrial capital (POSCO,
Vedanta, Jindals, the Tatas, Ambanis, and so on) in different parts of the
country.  There have also been militant resistance movements to SEZs, most
notably in Bengal itself (at Nandigram and Singur).



There have been grassroots campaigns for the Right to Information (RTI) and
for rural employment schemes. There have been movements and campaigns
against communal violence and for justice for the victims of the violence
that politicians have repeatedly instigated, notably, the horrific massacres
in1984 (Delhi), 2002 (Gujarat) and 2008 (Kandhamal in Orissa).  There have
been movements of resistance to the hideous injustices and violence of the
caste system; to the oppression of women; to homophobia; and against the
forcing of millions of children into wage-slavery. There has been a strong
culture of human rights organisations in India and fearless investigations
into the atrocities committed at all ends of the political spectrum. There
are *many* cultural and political groups that exist that have never
identified or associated with the politics and the peculiar left traditions
of the CPI(M) that are still largely moulded by the discredited legacies of
Stalinism.



We feel that the defeat of the parliamentary left *should* mean space for a
stronger left movement, a ‘new left’ if you like, that reflects the
aspirations of the mass of people more creatively, with more imagination and
greater integrity. There is too much deprivation and misery in the country
for the media or the middle classes to seriously be able to delude
themselves into thinking that popular resistance will cease with the defeat
of the Left Fronts.  As long as ordinary people are subjected to violence,
to oppression and the most appalling poverty, as long as they are denied
homes, health services, proper nourishment, decent jobs, denied land for
survival, and denied social, political and sexual equality, there *will* be
resistance and opposition.  Indians will not settle down passively into the
dream images purveyed by TV advertisements, and with the massive depletion
of public policy in areas like health and employment they are certainly not
about to become one big smiling middle-class family.



The reality is that dispossession continues on a large scale;  the culture
of communal hatred, violence and conspiracy still thrives in the background
waiting to strike again; and large parts of the country are under military
occupation. Police brutality continues unabated, lakhs of court cases lie
unattended, thousands of people remain in jail as under-trial prisoners, and
hundreds of victims of caste and communal violence wait hopelessly for
justice. Communal, caste and sexual bias is still endemic at various places
in the state apparatus.  And by all the social indicators India remains one
of the worst performing countries in the world.



So it *is* premature of ‘write off’ the Left but not because the Left Front
has retained substantial vote shares in Kerala and Bengal. Votes have never
been a real marker of the strength of a political movement and its culture.
Indeed, the Left Front parties now have a historic opportunity to transform
themselves,  starting with a conscious effort to introduce more democracy in
their ranks and a culture of open debate. Whether their leaderships want
such a radical overhaul is doubtful, since even the elementary requirement
of accountability for the recent debacle is currently being evaded.



However, regardless of their evolution, it is clear that as long as Indian
democracy survives and survives in its broken state as a system unable to
nourish the mass of its population or live without violence and the
subjugation of whole communities, the Left outside parliament, the left as a
culture of democracy and resistance, a network of movements and
organisations, and a new more vigorous set of campaigns, will *continue to
flourish*.  A younger, more radical generation will undoubtedly be attracted
to it and to its values of solidarity, equality, freedom and opposition to
capitalism both in India and worldwide.



Dilip Simeon, Jairus Banaji, Sukumar Muralidharan, Satya Sivaraman, Rohini
Hensman

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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