--

 *Arundhati Roy, Anuradha Ghandy, and 'Romantic Marxism'
**by Bernard D'Mello*

*This is the full-text of the introductory remarks made by the author at
the Fourth Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Lecture delivered by Arundhati Roy on
20th January 2012 at St Xavier's College, Mumbai.*

I woke up this morning to the chirping sounds of the swallows.  Arundhati
Roy seems to have brought in those love-birds that come in to Mumbai at
this time of the year from the cold environs of the North.  The lively
spirit of Anuradha Ghandy (Anu, as she was fondly known) is all around us
-- that picture of hers reminds me of one of my favourite Bob Dylan songs,
"Forever Young".  We have here with us Anu's mother -- comrade Kumud
Shanbag.  Parents abiding by Hinduism usually give their daughters away at
the time of marriage in a ritual called *kanyadaan*.  Comrades Kumud and
Ganesh Shanbag, rational and progressive, broke with this humiliating
tradition; they raised their daughter Anu (Janaki) to decide what she
wanted to do with her life and she joined the Revolution (*Kranti*).  One
might call what she did *kranti-daan*, though, I think, *daan* (donate) is
not the right word for it.  The *Krantikari Adivasi Mahila
Sanghatan*(KAMS) is justifiably proud of Anu (Janaki).  Not long ago,
when Arundhati
Roy was walking with these comrades, they proudly showed her a photograph
of Anu that they were carrying -- she's dressed in fatigues, an olive green
cap with a star on it, rifle slung over her shoulders, and smiling, as
always.

Anu came a long way, from the Hamil Sabha (the general student body) of
Elphinstone College in the first half of 1970s to the Byramgadh area in old
Bastar in the latter half of 1990s.  For her, *dalit*, *adivasi *and
women's 
liberation1<http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn1>were
part of the fight for "new democracy" -- indeed, for her they were a
prerequisite for any kind of democracy.  Just as Anu was shaping this
policy of the Party -- the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)
(People's War) -- in the 1990s, Arundhati Roy created a character called
Velutha in *The God of Small Things* (1997).  Velutha came from a dalit,
attached-labour household.  But despite his origins -- Velutha came from
the wretched of* the* wretched of the Indian earth -- he became an
accomplished carpenter and mechanic, indispensible to semi-feudal capital's
profit register in the small town of Ayemenem.  Rahel and Estha, Ammu's
children, established a close bond of friendship with him.  Ammu was
attracted to him, fell in love with him -- he was a passionate lover, he
loved her like no one else could ever have loved her.

Velutha is my hero -- for me, he is the classic Indian proletarian.
Despite the exploitation and the oppression, Velutha did what he did with
devotion -- he kept the creativity and imagination in him alive.  For him,
like it is for his creator, ingenuity and work became one.  This
characterisation tells us something about Arundhati Roy, Velutha's maker.
In the conception of Velutha, I saw, very early on, signs of a romanticism
closely linked to revolution in Arundhati Roy as a writer.  That subversive
intent was there from the very beginning.  From *The God of Small Things *to
* Broken Republic*, Arundhati Roy is through-and-through a romantic,
anti-capitalist writer.  There is a basic structure of feelings in her
writings that touches my heart.

I don't know if she will agree with me, but I'd like to believe that
Arundhati Roy has embraced 'Romantic Marxism'.  I know the ideological
censors would be frowning at me; for them, there can never be anything like
'Romantic Marxism'; "comrade Bernard, you cannot mix romanticism with
Marxism".  I differ and in this I am with E P Thompson.  And, with Marx of
the *Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844*
(1959)2<http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn2>and
his passionate denunciation of capitalism in
*Capital*, Volume-I -- with a language and imagery that makes the reader
realize the need for Kranti.  Marx did, after all, also hitched romanticism
with his exposition of the structure, the social relations and logic of the
inner workings of the capitalist system.  At its core, 'Romantic Marxism'
brings together Marx's thesis of alienation with his theory of value and
welds these with the basic structure of feelings that such a consciousness
evokes.

Let me now say a few words about the topic of today's lecture --
"Capitalism: A Ghost Story".  *Capital* is not a work of Marx's
imagination; so also, and I'm sure, Arundhati has a real story to tell, and
it's going to be a passionate denunciation of really existing capitalism.
If we were to look at capitalism from a romantic Marxist perspective, we
would see, above all, the total domination of exchange value, the "cold
calculation of price and profit . . . over the whole social fabric . . .
the death of imagination and *romance*, . . . the purely 'utilitarian' . .
. relation of human beings to one another, and to
nature".3<http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn3>
What should be reciprocity in human relations -- love for love, intimacy
for intimacy, trust for trust, as it was with Ammu and Velutha -- has been
replaced, in capitalism, by the exchange of money for commodities:
accumulation and possession is all that matters today.  Indeed, beauty, now
defined by capital, has also been commoditised; nothing remains unsullied
by capitalism, its logic, and its basic structure of feelings.  Human
beings have been turned into wretched beings -- physically, psychologically
and spiritually dehumanised.

We, the Anuradha Ghandy Memorial Committee members, are old-fashioned
Marxists.  We continue to insist that wealth comes from the exploitation of
human labour *and* nature.  To quote Marx and, keeping in mind the
importance he assigns to ecology, include capital's "sucking" of nature too:
4 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn4>

Capital is dead labour [and out-of-play nature] that vampire-like only
lives by sucking living labour [and extant nature], and lives the more, the
more labour [and nature] it sucks.

Value then is nothing but congealed labour and defunct nature incarnate in
commodities.  And, in the contemporary world capitalist system, we witness
the real subscription of labour, nature, and even democratically-elected
governments to finance.  Yes, the bond markets -- the funds and financial
institutions that buy government bonds, not the people who elected the
governments -- are able to very significantly influence public policy, for
it is they who specify the conditions under which they will buy those
governments' bonds.  Indeed, the main focus of corporations today is
financial, and here, with quarterly reporting on a mark-to-market basis,
short-term net worth is all that seems to matter.  Add to this stock
options-based remuneration of those who manage the huge financial
portfolios, monetary policy designed for the benefit of high finance, and
rising labour productivity alongside stagnant real wages, and the result is
"traumatized workers", "indebted consumers", and "manic-depressive
savers"5<http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn5>high
on Prozac and Viagra which keep Pfizer's cash register ringing.
"Humanity" has become "an appendage of the asset markets", my friend Jan
Toporowski 
writes.6<http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn6>
We are reminded of what Paul Sweezy and Harry Magdoff (then editors of *Monthly
Review*) wrote in the aftermath of the 1987 stock market crash in the US
and it seems appropriate to paraphrase their words to apply to the present:
"The mess" the world-system is in flows "from capitalism's ruthless pursuit
of unlimited wealth by any and all available means, whether or not these
have anything to do with satisfying the needs of real human
beings."7<http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn7>
Indeed, capitalism -- which has metamorphosed into a life-threatening
disease -- has become a threat to humanity and other forms of life.  The
only remedy "is a truly revolutionary reconstruction of the whole
socio-economic 
system".8<http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn8>

But, the failures of the revolutions of the 20th century stare us in the
face.  I have taken more time than I had intended to, and lest I become a
barrier between the star-speaker and you, I need to quickly wind up.  Let
me then not mince words -- revolution is about expropriating the
expropriators, and "force is the midwife of every old society pregnant with
a new one".9 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn9>
But, and more importantly, revolution is also about "human emancipation".
It has to create a socialist sensitivity, a socialist consciousness; so
forms of violence -- cruelty and brutality -- which negate the very end of
revolution must never be a part of the means.  Now, while the "seizure of
power" and the strategy to achieve this seem to be the central
preoccupation of revolutionaries, we need to remember these words of Marx
from *The German Ideology* (1932; written in
1846):10<http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_edn10>

*Both for the production on a mass scale of . . . communist consciousness,
and for the success of the cause itself, the alteration of [human beings]
on a mass scale is, necessary, an alteration which can only take place in a
practical movement, a revolution; this revolution is necessary, therefore,
not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way,
but also because the class overthrowing it can only in a revolution succeed
in ridding itself of all the muck of ages and become fitted to found
society anew. *

Rightly, Marx was more concerned about the "human emancipation" that must
come about in the process of making the revolution, the kind of
emancipation that makes of us a new kind of "human" being, a
*practice*necessary to found a society that is egalitarian,
cooperative, and
democratic.

With this "brief" (ha, ha!) introduction, may I invite Arundhati Roy to
take the baton.



*Notes*

1 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref1>
*Scripting
the Change: Selected Writings of Anuradha Ghandy*, edited by Anand
Teltumbde and Shoma Sen, Daanish Books <http://www.daanishbooks.com/>,
Delhi, 2011.

2 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref2>  One
should also mention Marx and Engels' *On the Jewish
Question<http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1844/jewish-question/>
* (1844) and *The German
Ideology<http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/>
* (1932, writing completed in 1846).

3 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref3>  See
Michael Lowy's "The Romantic and the Marxist Critique of Modern
Civilisation" <http://www.jstor.org/pss/657542>, *Theory and Society*, Vol.
16, No. 6 (November 1987), p 892.

4 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref4>  Karl
Marx, *Capital*, Volume I (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House,
1954; a reproduction of the first English edition of 1887, edited by
Frederick Engels), chapter 10, "The Working
Day"<http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch10.htm>,
p 233.

5 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref5>
Riccardo Bellofiore and Joseph Halevi, "Magdoff-Sweezy and Minsky on the
Real Subsumption of Labour to Finance", 2010, at
cemf.u-bourgogne.fr/z-outils/documents/communications%202009/AHE.pdf.

6 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref6>  Jan
Toporowski <http://monthlyreview.org/author/jantoporowski>, "The Wisdom of
Property and the Politics of the Middle
Classes"<http://monthlyreview.org/2010/09/01/the-wisdom-of-property-and-the-politics-of-the-middle-classes>,
*Monthly Review*, Vol. 62, Issue 4, September 2010.

7 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref7>  Paul
M. Sweezy and Harry Magdoff, *The Irreversible Crisis* (New York: Monthly
Review Press), 1988, p. 55.

8 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref8>  Ibid.

9 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref9>  This
is how Marx puts it in chapter 31 on "The Genesis of the Industrial
Capitalist", in *Capital*, Volume I.

10 <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112p.html#_ednref10>
www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/ch01d.htm.
------------------------------
Bernard D'Mello is deputy editor, *Economic & Political
Weekly<http://beta.epw.in/home/>
*, and a member of the Committee for the Protection of Democratic Rights,
Mumbai.
------------------------------
URL: mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2012/dmello250112.html
------------------------------

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