---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Marx Laboratory <[email protected]>
Date: Fri, Aug 24, 2012 at 9:31 AM
Subject: Interview: About Why Revolt Is All We Have Left
To: Marx Laboratory <[email protected]>




 Truthout Interviews Chris Hedges About Why Revolt Is All We Have
LeftWednesday,
22 August 2012 00:00*By Mark
Karlin<http://truth-out.org/opinion/item/index.php?option=com_k2&view=itemlist&task=user&id=45664&Itemid=252>,
Truthout | Interview*

   -   *Chris Hedges, a former New York Times reporter, has become perhaps
   the foremost media scribe and most prolific advocate of a need for
   revolutionary change in our current institutional oppression and control of
   the government by the oligarchical and political elite. Hedges writes with
   a reporter's detail, a prophet's eloquence and a compelling sense of
   urgency. This is evident in his latest book, which visits the "sacrifice
   zones" of America. Get the just-released "Days of Destruction Days of
   Revolt <https://members.truth-out.org/bgift96-gift/choose-type-donation>"
   (with illustrations by Joe Sacco) directly from Truthout right now by
   clicking 
here<https://members.truth-out.org/bgift96-gift/choose-type-donation>.
   Make a minimum donation and support progressive writers and Truthout. *

*Mark Karlin: You begin "Days of Destruction Days of Revolt" with a visit
to and reflection upon the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, the poorest and
perhaps most hopeless Native American settlement in the United States.
Indian reservations were a tragically ironic result of the American revolt
to throw off the shackles of being a colony, only to become a colonial
power over the indigenous residents that lay in its way to achieving
"Manifest Destiny." Is this irony the reason why you begin your journey
across the "sacrifice zones" of the United States at Pine Ridge?*

*Chris Hedges:* This is where the dark ethic of endless expansion and
limitless exploitation, of ruthless imperial conquest, subjugation and
extermination of native communities, began in the name of profit.
Commercial interests set out to obliterate native peoples who stood in the
way of their acquisition of the buffalo herds, timber, coal, gold and later
minerals such as uranium, commodities they saw as sources of power and
enrichment. Land was sliced up into parcels - usually by the railroad
companies - and sold. Sitting Bull acidly suggested they get out scales and
sell dirt by the pound. The most basic elements that sustain life were
reduced to a vulgar cash product. Nothing in the eyes of the white settlers
had an intrinsic value. And this dichotomy of belief was so vast that those
who held on to animism and mysticism, to ambiguity and mystery, to the
centrality of the human imagination, to communal living and a concept of
the sacred, had to be extinguished. The belief system encountered on the
plains and in the earlier indigenous communities in New England obliterated
by the Puritans was antithetical and hostile to capitalism, the concept of
technological progress, empire and the ethos of the industrial society.

The effect of this physical and moral cataclysm is being played out a
century and a half later, however, as the whole demented project of endless
capitalist expansion, profligate consumption and growth implodes. The
suffering of the other, of the Native American, the African-American in the
inner city, the unemployed coal miner or the Hispanic produce picker is
universal. They went first. We were next.

*MK: You write in your introduction, "We [you and Joe Sacco] wanted to show
in words and drawings what life looks like when the marketplace rules
without constraints, where human beings and the natural world are used and
then discarded to maximize profit." This is pretty much a definition of
neoliberal economics. Is the United States creating an internal economic
system of colonies?*

*CH:* The forces of colonization that were applied to the "sacrifice zones"
Joe and I wrote about have been turned inwards on the rest of us to create
a global form of neofeudalism, a world of corporate masters and serfs. The
central point of the book is to show what happens when human beings,
communities and the natural world are forced to prostrate themselves before
the demands of the marketplace. It is incumbent on us to look closely at
this system of neo-liberal economics because it is now cannibalizing what
is left, including our eco-system. These forces know no limits. They will
exterminate us all, as Joseph Conrad pointed out in "Heart of Darkness,"
his masterpiece on the savagery of colonial exploitation. Kurtz in Conrad's
book is the self-deluded megalomaniac ivory trader who ends by planting the
shriveled heads of murdered Congolese on pikes outside his remote trading
station. But Kurtz is also highly educated and refined. Conrad describes
him as an orator, writer, poet, musician and the respected chief agent of
the ivory company's Inner Station. He is "an emissary of pity, and science,
and progress." Kurtz was "a universal genius" and "a very remarkable
person." He is a prodigy, at once gifted and multi-talented. He went to
Africa fired by noble ideals and virtues. He ended his life as a
self-deluded tyrant who thought he was a god. That pretty much sums up what
we have become as a nation.

*Obtain "Days of Destruction Days of Hope" with a minimum contribution to
Truthout. Click
here<https://members.truth-out.org/bgift96-gift/choose-type-donation>
.
*

*MK: Regarding your third chapter on Welch, West Virginia, and the
devastation you portray created by the coal mining industry in that state,
I wonder why the victims, primarily white, of a rapacious and pretty much
unaccountable coal industry don't revolt. In fact, West Virginia has become
a pretty reliable Republican state in presidential elections. Rephrasing
your introductory quote to this chapter (from H.L. Mencken) have the
destitute of West Virginia been driven from "despair" to "hopelessness" -
and a psychological crutch of white identity politics, because they see no
possibility of change in their condition?*

*CH:* We are seeing the conscious and deliberate creation by the corporate
state of a permanent, insecure and terrified underclass within the wider
society. They have had a lot of practice in refining these techniques in
the sacrifice zones, such as West Virginia, we wrote about. The corporate
state sees this permanent and desperate underclass as the most effective
weapon to thwart rebellion and resistance as our economy is reconfigured to
wipe out the middleclass and leave most of us at subsistence level. Huge
pools of unemployed and underemployed effectively blunt labor organizing,
since any job, no matter how menial, is zealously coveted. The beating down
of workers, exacerbated by the refusal to extend unemployment benefits for
hundreds of millions of Americans and the breaking of public sector unions,
the last redoubt of union power, has transformed those in the working class
from full members of society, able to participate in its debates, the
economy and governance, into terrified people in fragmented pools
preoccupied with the struggle of private existence.

The determining factor in global corporate production is now poverty. The
poorer the worker and the poorer the nation, the greater the competitive
advantage. With access to vast pools of desperate, impoverished workers
eager for scraps, unions and working conditions no longer impede the quest
for larger and larger profits. And when the corporations do not need these
workers they are cast aside. Those who are economically broken usually
cease to be concerned with civic virtues. They will, history has
demonstrated, serve any system, no matter how evil, and do anything for a
pitiful salary, a chance for job security and the protection of their
families. There will, as the situation worsens, also be those who attempt
to rebel. I certainly intend to join them. But the state can rely on a huge
number of people who, for work and meager benefits, will transform
themselves into willing executioners.

*MK: Of course, your chapter on the squalid, economically abandoned Camden,
New Jersey, points to a particularly egregious example of an entire city
that has been sucked of any hope. Financially, it has been written off by
the "Masters of the Universe" economic agenda, its citizens parasites of
the government, according to Paul Ryan. Even Barack Obama has been the
first president in decades not to mention poverty in his State of the Union
Addresses. But isn't Camden just representative of blighted urban areas,
particularly minority neighborhoods, that have been left without jobs for
decades? This goes back to before the urban riots of 1968 and the Kerner
Report about what caused them. Isn't this structured poverty?*

*CH:* The corporations and industries that packed up and left Camden and
cities across the United States for the cheap labor overseas are never
coming back. They have abandoned huge swathes of the United States, turned
whole sections of American cities into industrial ghost towns. The
unemployment and underemployment, the disenfranchisement of the working
class, and the assault on the middle class, are never factored into the
balance sheets of corporations. If prison or subsistence labor in China or
India or Vietnam makes them more money, if it is possible to hire workers
in sweatshops in Bangladesh for 22 cents an hour, corporations follow the
awful logic to its conclusion. And as conditions worsen the corporate
state, which controls the systems of information and entertainment, renders
the poor and cities like Camden invisible. This is what Joe's illustrations
are so crucial to the book. The goal of the book is to make these people
visible.

*MK: In the book, you bluntly write: "The American dream, as we know it is
a lie. We will all be sacrificed." You speak of the spreading transnational
corporate virus. Are you, in essence, saying the worst is yet to come, that
the forsaken communities you profile are an ominous portent of what waits
for so many of us except the privileged class?*

*CH:* Yes. This is why we wrote the book, as a warning of what is about to
befall us all. It is no more morally justifiable to kill someone for profit
than it is to kill that person for religious fanaticism. And yet, from
health companies to the oil and natural gas industry to private weapons
contractors, individual death and the wholesale death of the ecosystem have
become acceptable corporate business.

*MK: Your fourth chapter is entitled "Days of Slavery" and it is about what
you quote Bernie Sanders as calling "the bottom of the race to the bottom."
It is about the exploited (and that seems an understated word given the
circumstances) tomato pickers in Immokalee, Florida. It is indentured
servitude and just short of slavery. But isn't there a glimmer of hope in
the activism of the Immokalee workers' movement for better pay and working
conditions?*

*CH:* You cannot use the word hope if you do not resist. If you resist,
even if it appears futile, you keep hope alive. And in every sacrifice zone
we visited, including Immokalee where the Coalition of Immokalee Workers
have organized tomato workers, we saw heroic struggles to fight back. But
at the same time it is vital to remember that we cannot achieve significant
reform or restore our democracy through established mechanisms of power.
The electoral process has been hijacked by corporations. The judiciary has
been corrupted and bought. The press shuts out the most important voices in
the country and feeds us the banal and the absurd. Universities prostitute
themselves for corporate dollars. Labor unions are marginal and ineffectual
forces. The economy is in the hands of corporate swindlers and speculators.
And the public, enchanted by electronic hallucinations, remains largely
passive and supine. We have no tools left within the power structure in our
fight to halt unchecked corporate pillage.

Once any political system ossifies, once all mechanisms for reform close,
the lunatic fringe of a society, as I saw in Yugoslavia, rises out of the
moral swamp to take control. The reformers, however well meaning and
honest, finally have nothing to offer. They are disarmed.

*MK: You were a vocal advocate of the hopefulness of the Occupy movement in
creating radical change. But you also note in your book that the federal
government joined local governments in dispossessing the Occupy movement of
its beachheads of public land. Are we facing a situation like the
suppression of the Green Revolution in Iran, like the crushing of the
revolt in Czechoslovakia?*

*CH:* The importance of the Occupy movement, and the reason I suspect its
encampments were so brutally dismantled by the Obama administration, is
that the corporate state understood and feared its potential to spark a
popular rebellion. I do not think the state has won. All the injustices and
grievances that drove people into the Occupy encampments and onto the
streets have been ignored by the state and are getting worse. And we will
see eruptions of discontent in the weeks and months ahead.

If these mass protests fail, opposition will inevitably take a frightening
turn. The longer we endure political paralysis, the longer the formal
mechanisms of power fail to respond, the more the extremists on the left
and the right - those who venerate violence and are intolerant of
ideological deviations - will be empowered. Under the steady breakdown of
globalization, the political environment has become a mound of tinder
waiting for a light.

*MK: You write, "Revolt is all that we have left. It is our only hope."
Most revolt from oppressive powers has come from the working class. But
except for the Wisconsin uprising, the working class appear to view
movements like Occupy as not representing them. And even in Wisconsin, the
GOP was able to split the unions from the non-union working class. How do
you see progressive revolts linking up with the working class?*

*CH:* The movement in Wisconsin made a fatal mistake. It allowed its energy
to be channeled back into a dead political system by the Democratic Party
and the labor movement, or at least what passes for a labor movement in
this country. It could not compete with corporate power and corporate
money. And it will be hard now to regroup. They willingly played the game
and lost, although of course the rules were rigged. The split between labor
and non-labor is only one divide. Occupy is essentially a white, middle
class movement led by college educated men and women who have found no
place in the wider society. The working class and the poor deeply distrusts
liberals, especially college-educated liberals, who since the Clinton
administration have repeatedly betrayed them in the name of liberalism.
Those who support Occupy will have to rebuild bridges to our impoverished
working class, and more importantly to those of color who live in marginal
communities and who also have been abandoned by the traditional liberal
elites. But this skirts an even bigger and more important problem. In the
traditional sense of a working class, i.e. one that is organized and
manufactures goods, we no longer have one. Workers have been reduced to
toiling at two or three jobs in the service sector. I don't know how we are
going to fight back effectively without an organized work force. That is
one of my greatest concerns.

*MK: You are a consummate writer. But what role do you see that six decades
of visual and sound bite messaging on television has had on allowing the
political elite and oligarchy to sustain their "frame" of the status quo
through corporate TV?*

*CH:* The chatter that passes for news, the gossip that is peddled by the
windbags on the airwaves, the noise that drowns out rational discourse, and
the timidity and cowardice of what is left of the newspaper industry
reflect our flight into collective self-delusion. We stand on the cusp of
one of the most seismic and disturbing dislocations in human history, one
that is radically reconfiguring our economy as it is the environment, and
our national obsessions, because of these electronic hallucinations,
revolve around the trivial and the absurd. The illusionists who shape our
culture, and who profit from our incredulity, hold up the gilded cult of
Us. Popular expressions of religious belief, personal empowerment,
corporatism, political participation and self-definition argue that all of
us are special, entitled and unique. All of us, by tapping into our inner
reserves of personal will and undiscovered talent, by visualizing what we
want, can achieve, and deserve to achieve, happiness, fame and success. It
is, of course, magical thinking.

*MK: You conclude "Days of Destruction" with an anecdote about your
experience as a boxer fighting men who were professionals and pummeling
you, but you kept fighting and eventually the crowd cheered you on as the
underdog. How does this relate to achieving a successful revolt against a
status quo with unlimited financial power and military/police powers?*

*CH:* You do not fight tyrants because you are going to win. You fight
tyrants because they are tyrants. Yes, we do not have the tools or the
wealth of the state. We cannot beat it at its own game. We cannot ferret
out infiltrators. The legal system is almost always on the state's side. If
we attempt to replicate the elaborate security apparatus of our oppressors,
even on a small scale, we will unleash widespread paranoia and fracture the
movement. If we retreat into anonymity, hiding behind masks, then we
provide an opening for agents provocateurs who deny their identities while
disrupting the movement. If we fight pitched battles in the streets we give
authorities an excuse to fire their weapons.

All we have, as Vaclav Havel wrote, is our own powerlessness. And that
powerlessness is our strength. The survival of the movement depends on
embracing this powerlessness. It depends on two of our most important
assets - utter and complete transparency and a rigid adherence to
nonviolence, including respect for private property. This permits us, as
Havel puts it in his 1978 essay "The Power of the Powerless," to live in
truth. And by living in truth we expose a corrupt corporate state that
perpetrates lies and lives in deceit.

This attempt to "live within the truth" brings with it ostracism and
retribution. Punishment is imposed in bankrupt systems because of the
necessity for compliance, not out of any real conviction. And the real
crime committed is not the crime of speaking out or defying the rules, but
the crime of exposing the charade.

*Obtain "Days of Destruction Days of Hope" with a minimum contribution to
Truthout. Click
here<https://members.truth-out.org/bgift96-gift/choose-type-donation>
.*
 ------------------------------
MARK KARLIN

Mark Karlin is the editor of BuzzFlash at Truthout.  He served as editor
and publisher of BuzzFlash for ten years before joining Truthout in 2010.
BuzzFlash has won four Project Censored Awards.



http://truth-out.org/opinion/item/11032-truthout-interviews-chris-hedges-about-why-revolt-is-all-we-have-left#.UDXuumJb5_s.email






-- 


You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up
a nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on
the foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole.
-AMBEDKAR



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