http://www.downtoearth.org.in/content/all-our-nuclear-lies-exposed

All our nuclear lies exposed
Author(s): Latha Jishnu <http://www.downtoearth.org.in/author/108>

Aug 15, 2013 | From the print
edition<http://www.downtoearth.org.in/node/123/2013-8-15>

Book >> The Power Of Promise: Examining Nuclear Energy In India • by M V
Ramana • Penguin/Viking • Price Rs 699

[image: image]BookThere is an abysmal degree of ignorance about the status
of nuclear power in the country and what the Department of Atomic Energy
(DAE) does, although in recent times anti-nuclear activists have been
engaged in the herculean task of uncovering its programme and educating the
public about this. This stems from the deliberate policy of secrecy and
disinformation that the nuclear establishment maintains, helped in no small
measure by a critical factor: DAE has been under the direct charge of the
prime minister ever since it was set up in 1954 in the time of Jawaharlal
Nehru who was a passionate proponent of atomic energy and its use as a
nuclear deterrent if necessary.

This ignorance and fudging is most evident when TV debates take place on
the issue of nuclear power and the role it plays—or should play—in India’s
energy security. While the powerful pro-nuclear energy lobby trots out its
usual thesis that nuclear energy is an absolutely vital for India’s
economic development, few in the opposite camp understand the economics and
technology of this energy to provide a compelling counter-argument.

Some basic figures are important to understand what is at stake. In the six
decades since India began producing nuclear energy with foreign technology,
technical assistance and funding (but more of this later) it contributes
less than three per cent of the total power generation. Current generation
capacity despite the massive funding that has gone into the programme is
just 4,780 MW, that is 2.25 per cent of the total 211,766 MW. Even
renewable energy, the ill- favoured stepchild of the power ministry,
accounts for over 12 per cent of the total.

This is the nuclear energy report card against the grandiose promises made
by its champions that India would have 43,000 MW by 2000. Actual capacity
then was just 2,720 MW! Yet this has not deterred Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh from making the most extravagant and absurd promise of all—that we
would have 470,000 MW by 2050. To help put all this in perspective, there
is physicist M V Ramana’s The Power of Promise, which provides a splendid
sweep of the history, economics and politics of nuclear energy in India
since 1944 when Homi Bhabha set us on an ill-conceived trajectory to
harnessing nuclear energy. In doing so, he exposes the many myths we have
been fed on the nuclear dream and lays bare the huge lies that have been
employed to make Indians believe that economic development is not possible
without nuclear power.

[image: India is going ahead with the Kudankulam nuclear project despite
fierce opposition from the people]India is going ahead with the Kudankulam
nuclear project despite fierce opposition from the people (Photo:
Amirtharaj Stephen)

Ramana, who is currently at Princeton University where he works on two
nuclear-related projects, is familiar to anyone who has been tracking
nuclear power issues. He has written prolifically on the subject in
newspapers and journals apart from an earlier book (Bombing Bombay?) and
co-editing another, Prisoners of the Nuclear Dream. His articles have
questioned the safety and economics of nuclear power plants, specially in
view of the overt and hidden subsidies in their funding. In The Power of
Promise Ramana brings his vast research together in an authoritative volume
that is eminently readable for its easy anecdotal style laced with sly
humour. For instance, he begins his chapter of safety with a long, telling
quote from the commander of the Titanic who boasts that: “I will say that I
cannot imagine any condition which would cause a ship to founder. I cannot
conceive of any vital disaster happening to this vessel.” That assurance of
Captain Edward John Smith is similar to the absurd confidence of DAE on the
safety of its reactors. As Ramana takes the readers through the accidents
that have happened at Narora (most serious), Kakrapar, Kaiga and Kalpakkam,
it becomes fairly clear that the design of the plants, the safety systems
and emergency plans are such that Indians need to be worrying about the
nuclear establishment’s safety claims.

One of the core issues in India’s nuclear programme is the lack of fuel and
the deep pockets necessary to fund such ambitions. India has precious
little uranium and that’s how Bhabha formulated the famous three-stage
programme (uranium in the first phase, then reprocessing the spent fuel to
extract plutonium from a large number of breeder reactors and finally
setting breeder reactors that would use uranium-233 and thorium of which
India has abundant supplies) to bypass the problem. But this plan has a
fatal flaw. Breeder reactors have not succeeded anywhere in the world and
after decades DAE has little to show for all the money and time that it has
been sunk in the project. The book catalogues the troubled history of this
project with detail that scientists and technical experts would relish.

It is, however, the history that is most riveting and in detailing the
development of the nuclear programme, Ramana explodes several myths that
have been actively fostered by DAE and the political leadership, starting
with Nehru. One such cherished belief is that the 20 nuclear plants
operating in the country are the result of indigenous technology and
expertise—a fragile bit of storytelling that is the first to crash as the
physicist-author goes to the genesis. Project nuclear, it turns out, was
incubated with artificial insemination—with the detailed plant design,
drawings and technical data supplied by British nuclear scientist Sir John
Cockroft. But there was Nehru claiming at the inauguration of the Apsara
reactor in January 1957 “that this swimming pool reactor in front of you is
the work, almost entirely, of our young scientists and builders.” Later
that year, Nehru went further and declared that the work “was done entirely
by Indian scientists and Indian engineers”. Wryly, the author notes that
Cockroft grumbled to his colleagues about the ungracious ways of the
Indians. He is quoted as saying “presumably, detailed plant design and
drawings do not constitute outside help!”

Apsara was a research reactor and so was CIRUS which was set up with
Canadian expertise and funding. What is fascinating is how the big powers
were falling over themselves to help the nascent India state to become a
nuclear power with Canadians channelling money under the Colombo Plan which
provided development assistance to Commonwealth countries. As for the first
commercial project, Tarapur I and II, it was General Electric which
supplied the plant, the US government the fuel (enriched uranium) and other
US multinational Bechtel that set up the plant. In fact, what emerges is
Bhabha’s extraordinary skill in putting together such deals, including
another with the Canadians for two reactors at Rawatbhata in Rajasthan,
while overcoming the oppositions of the other giants of their time, Meghnad
Saha and D D Kosambi. The latter argued passionately for focusing on solar
energy but in vain. Similarly, heavy water plants were constructed at
Nangal and Vadodara by a consortium of companies from the US, France, UK,
Germany, Italy and Japan. However, Indira Gandhi’s Pokhran explosion of
1974 to test nuclear weapons ended the cosy relationship with the Western
nations which imposed sanctions and left India out in the nuclear cold
until the US-India nuclear deal of 2008. It is in these intervening decades
that the real genius of Indian scientists and technicians for reverse
engineering came into play and they began the painful crawl to setting up
indigenous plants.

DAE ought to be squirming over such revelations but given the power of
mythmaking that has resulted in self-hypnosis I doubt anyone in that
organisation would even be blushing. What should add to their discomfiture
are other chapters on the different fuels and reactors, all of which show
on what shaky foundations India’s hunt for nuclear energy is based.

The Power of Promise is almost everything one needs to understand critical
aspects such as costs, safety issues and environmental implications as
India embarks on an ambitious programme to import foreign reactors in the
wake of the poor capacity addition through the indigenous route. Ramana’s
contention is that the rapid and large-scale expansion of nuclear power
envisaged by DAE is that “it is very unlikely and probably impossible”. But
nuclear energy promises something that a safer alternative like solar,
which has the same potential to generate vast amounts of energy as nuclear
without facing fuel constraints, cannot offer: the ability to produce the
means (weapons-grade plutonium) for building a nuclear arsenal. And here
rests its biggest charm for governments and hawkish scientists.


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Peace Is Doable

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