http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/13852/chemical-attacks-and-military-interventions

Chemical Attacks and Military Interventions
Aug 28 2013
by Omar Dahi

[Syrian man mourning over a dead body after an alleged poisonous gas attack
fired by regime forces in Douma town, Damascus, on Wednesday 21 August 2013.
Image by Associated Press / Media Office Of Douma City]
Images of dead bodies laid out on floors wrapped in white cloth, with no
sign of blood or injury circulated across social and news media last week to
signal another horrific stage of the Syrian war. As of 24 August, Doctors
without Borders has indicated that many patients treated in the aftermath of
the attack in eastern Ghouta had "neurotoxic symptoms" though they stressed
they can neither confirm scientifically nor establish causality.

Since then, several other groups-including the Violation Documentation
Center-have left little doubt that some sort of chemical attack did indeed
occur. The mass scale of suffering in Syria, upwards of 100,000 killed and
millions displaced should not numb us to the fact that this was a major
crime that, like other killings that have taken place inside Syria, should
be impartially and independently investigated.

The government accused the rebels of a false flag operation, as have other
observers arguing for the implausibility of a government attack while UN
inspectors were in Syria for the first time in over a year-stationed several
miles away from the assault. Why should the government attack now when it
seems to be winning the war with conventional weapons? If confirmed, it
would be the only scenario that might trigger more aggressive US and/or
European armed intervention.

A rebel attack seems equally implausible. If rebels are indeed able to
manufacture such a large scale chemical attack, and murderous enough to use
these weapons on civilians, why not attack government forces and change the
tide of the war, instead of choosing territory sympathetic to the uprising
and outside regime control? Logic and reason are therefore not sufficient
means of investigating such actions or attributing culpability. There are
other interpretations that are also plausible: that the regime initiated the
attack in response to a perceived or actual escalation by the rebels
(including reported US and US-trained special operations units advancing
towards Damascus); that defectors connected with the opposition and launched
the attack to spur international intervention by implicating the regime; or
finally, that the command structure is disintegrating within the Syrian
government, a topic that consumed many reports of late.

What should be the response to these events? The answer for those who care
about the fate of Syrians is the same as it has been to the ongoing violence
previously, which is to push for a political settlement and an immediate
cessation of violence coupled with humanitarian aid for Syrians.

A US- or NATO-led attack, which appears to be imminent, is likely to be
disastrous for Syrians (as well as Lebanese and Palestinians). If the attack
is intense enough to completely destroy the Syrian regime it will destroy
whatever is left of Syria. If it is not, it will leave the regime in place
to retaliate where it is strong, against its internal enemies, except now
having its nationalist credentials bolstered as having fought off US
aggression. Either way the strike will be devastating to millions inside
Syria, not to mention the millions of refugees and internally displaced
populations who are living hand to mouth and who depend on daily
humanitarian aid that will surely be disrupted or stopped.

There is no such thing as a surgical strike, and no possibility in a country
as densely populated as Syria for an attack that does not incur civilian
casualties. This is excluding the fact that US foreign policy in the Middle
East, past and present, including its own complicity in chemical weapons
attacks, makes it impossible not to be cynical about the motives behind this
attack. Moreover, in the past two years people within the region became
convinced that US policy towards Syria is dictated-as before-by what
benefits Israel, which had not desired a total regime collapse but was
benefitting from a perpetual conflict in its northern border so long as it
remained contained.

I have heard a refrain over the past two years after every escalation in the
conflict that "things cannot get any worse." Partly under this banner, the
turn to militarization was first nervously justified then embraced, and
crippling economic sanctions were imposed. In each case the rate of death
and suffering dramatically escalated and conditions got much worse-not for
the regime, but for ordinary Syrians.

A political settlement would be the beginning not end of the struggle. Right
now, the struggle is drowned out by a war of annihilation that is also a
proxy war by regional countries at the expense of Syrians. There is no doubt
that the Syrian regime has waged a war of destruction against its own people
with decisive material and political support from Iran and Russia, and that
it bears the primary responsibility for the violence. It has not shown a
serious inclination for anything other than total victory.

However, from the start of the uprising, the Gulf countries immediately saw
the opportunity to defeat Iran in Syria and have used their money and arms
to highjack the uprising and the language of the revolution in the benefit
of a sordid counterrevolutionary agenda. This has led Iran to become more
entrenched in its support of Syria, and to increase its support at every
turn.

The United States and its allies were setting up the possibilities for an
endless civil war. The fact that the United States is threatening to strike
now has nothing to do with the welfare of Syrians, and everything to do with
the United States maintaining its own "credibility," its position as a
hegemonic power.

It is hard to avoid the hopeless feeling that Syrians have lost almost all
agency over their collective future. The European Union, Gulf, and the
United States may very well increase armaments to the rebels, the United
States may launch cruise missiles into Syria, NATO may impose a no-fly zone
or invade part or all Syrian territory. But whatever actions take place,
continuing to claim them in the interests of the Syrian people is simply an
exercise in public relations and deception.

Both the supporters of the government and the rebels continue to frame the
possible outcomes of the conflict as either a victory for the government or
the rebels-a way to avoid coming to terms with the third possibility: that
both sides have already lost. The only option left for Syrians still
interested in stopping the fall further down the abyss is to demand a
political settlement and massive aid to help heal the mass humanitarian
catastrophe inside Syria and the neighboring countries. It would be the
beginning of politics and possibilities-very bleak ones as things stand, but
nevetheless ones that do not now exist.




-- 
Peace Is Doable

-- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"Green Youth Movement" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email 
to [email protected].
To post to this group, send an email to [email protected].
Visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/groups/opt_out.

Reply via email to