Saudis have few options as they push tougher foreign policy

Mon Dec 2, 2013 1:00pm IST

http://in.reuters.com/article/2013/12/02/iran-deal-saudi-idINL5N0JC32420131202

* Upset Saudis hint at building ties with other powers

* But U.S. is only ally that can protect Saudi oil fields

* Pursuing nuclear weapons would bring isolation - analyst

* Riyadh working closely with Paris on Iran, Syria

By Angus McDowall

RIYADH, Dec 2 (Reuters) - Saudi Arabia seems to have few viable options for
pursuing a more independent and forthright foreign policy, despite its deep
unease about the West's tentative rapprochement with Iran.

Upset with the United States, senior Saudis have hinted at a range of
possibilities, from building strategic relations with other world powers to
pushing a tougher line against Iranian allies in the Arab world and, if
world powers fail to foil Tehran's nuclear ambitions, even seeking its own
atomic bomb.

But alternative powers are hard even to contemplate for a nation that has
been a staunch U.S. ally for decades. Russia is on the opposite side to
Riyadh over the Syrian war and China's military clout remains modest
compared with the United States'.

Robert Jordan, U.S. ambassador to Riyadh from 2001-03, said there would be
limits to any Saudi alliances with other powers.

"There is no country in the world more capable of providing the protection
of their oil fields, and their economy, than the U.S., and the Saudis are
aware of that. We're not going to see them jump out of that orbit," he told
Reuters.

While Jordan was a senior diplomat in the administration of President
George W. Bush, some Saudi analysts also say the kingdom is well aware of
what major foreign policy shifts would involve - particularly any pursuit
of nuclear weapons.

This could end up casting Saudi Arabia as the international villain, rather
than its regional arch-rival Iran, and Riyadh has no appetite for the kind
of isolation that has forced Tehran to the negotiating table.

"Saudi Arabia doesn't need to become a second Iran," said a Saudi analyst
close to official thinking. "It would be a total reversal of our
traditional behaviour, of being a reliable member of the international
community that promotes strategic stability and stabilises oil markets."

Diplomatic sources and analysts in the Gulf say the kingdom, while
unsettled, will not risk a breach in relations with its main non-Arab ally
and will explore, however warily, a purely diplomatic response to the
Iranian opening.

Top Saudis are nevertheless furious with Washington. Senior U.S. officials
held secret bilateral talks with Iranian counterparts for months to prepare
for last month's interim nuclear agreement between six world powers and
Tehran, raising Gulf Arab rulers' fears that Washington is willing to go
behind their backs to do a deal with Iran.

Saudi leaders were taken unawares by the content of the deal that was
struck in the early hours of Nov. 24, despite an earlier promise by U.S.
Secretary of State John Kerry to keep them informed of developments,
diplomatic sources in the Gulf said.

In Washington, a senior State Department official said Kerry had been in
close contact with his counterparts throughout the two rounds of
negotiations in Geneva, and had talked to Foreign Minister Prince Saud
al-Faisal on Nov. 25.

"The agreement was reached in the middle of the night and Secretary Kerry
spoke with the Saudi Foreign Minister soon afterward," said the official,
who spoke on condition of anonymity.

The agreement offers Tehran relief from sanctions that are strangling its
economy, in return for more oversight of its nuclear programme. Riyadh,
along with its Western allies, fears this is aimed at producing weapons, a
charge Tehran denies.

Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammed Javad Zarif suggested on Sunday the deal
should not be seen as a threat. "This agreement cannot be at the expense of
any country in the region," he told reporters in Kuwait. "We look at Saudi
Arabia as an important and influential regional country and we are working
to strengthen cooperation with it for the benefit of the region."

Diplomatic sources in the Gulf say Riyadh is nervous that the deal will
ease pressure on Tehran, allowing it more room to damage Saudi interests
elsewhere in the Middle East.

The conservative Sunni Muslim kingdom is at odds with Iran's revolutionary
Shi'ite leaders in struggles across the Arab world, including in Lebanon,
Iraq, Bahrain and Yemen.

Most of all, Riyadh sees Iran's open support for Syrian President Bashar
al-Assad in fighting a rebellion backed by Gulf states as a foreign
occupation of Arab lands.

Two Iranian Revolutionary Guard commanders have been killed in Syria this
year, and rebels have also said Iranian fighters are on the ground,
although it is unclear whether they are there in any great numbers. The
Lebanese Shi'ite movement Hezbollah, which is allied to Tehran, has also
sent fighters to help Assad's forces, although these are Arabs.

BOLD DECLARATIONS

Riyadh has expressed lukewarm support for the nuclear deal, couched
alongside caveats that it was a "first step" and that a more comprehensive
solution required "good will".

But some prominent Saudis have made bold declarations that Riyadh will
develop a tough new foreign policy, defending its interests in keeping with
its status as the richest Arab state and birthplace of Islam.

Prince Mohammed bin Nawaf, the Saudi ambassador to London, told The Times
newspaper that "all options are available" to Riyadh, including seeking its
own atomic weapon, if Iran managed to build the bomb.

But diplomatic sources in the Gulf and analysts close to Saudi thinking say
the main problem in turning such rhetoric into action is the lack on an
obvious replacement for the U.S. security umbrella in the Gulf, or for the
American military's role in advising, arming and assisting the Saudi armed
forces.

"There'll be more contact with the Russians and Chinese than in the past.
They've gone elsewhere for weapons before and we'll see some more of that,
but the overall environment will be America-centric," said Jordan.

A Western adviser to Gulf countries on geopolitical issues said senior
Saudis have looked at ways of reducing the kingdom's long-term reliance on
the United States.

France is one option, albeit one that remains firmly in the Western camp
notwithstanding past differences with NATO allies.

Riyadh has worked closely with Paris in recent months on both Syrian and
Iranian issues, and has awarded it big naval contracts. That said, the
Saudi armed forces and economy are so closely tied to the United States
that any serious attempt to disengage over the longer term would be
prohibitively costly and difficult, diplomatic sources in the Gulf say.

Washington remains much closer to Riyadh on every Middle Eastern issue than
any other world power at present except France, which has taken a hard line
on Iran.

In Syria - the issue over which there is the greatest disagreement between
Riyadh and Washington, the kingdom is already arming and training some
rebel groups which the United States, wary about arming jihadists, views
with caution.

Diplomatic sources in the Gulf say these efforts will continue and may
expand, but logistical challenges will hinder any rapid attempt to increase
training much beyond the thousand or so rebels now working in Jordan with
Saudi special forces.

Riyadh's own fears of an Islamist backlash, reinforced by a bombing
campaign inside the country in the last decade, prevent it from arming more
militant groups with ties to al Qaeda.

The sources say Saudi Arabia still relies on a lot of support from Western
allies for command and control expertise, and would find it very difficult
to build its own coalition of Arab allies to join forces in a military
campaign.

The kingdom and its five closest regional friends, the other members of the
Gulf Cooperation Council, have been unable to agree on a shared missile
defence shield after years of discussions, they note.

THE SAUDI BOMB

Prince Mohammed's warnings on the possibility of seeking a nuclear bomb
have previously been voiced by other top Saudis, including former
intelligence minister Prince Turki al-Faisal.

But on closer inspection this looks less like a serious statement of intent
and more like an attempt to nudge world powers into being tougher on Iran
by raising the spectre of an atomic arms race in the Middle East, where
Israel is already widely presumed to have nuclear weapons.

The analyst close to official thinking suggested that actively seeking
nuclear arms would backfire, making Riyadh the proliferator of mass
destruction weapons instead of Iran.

Media commentators have speculated the kingdom could obtain an atomic bomb
from its nuclear-armed friend Pakistan, or on the arms market. But the
analyst said it would never place itself in the position of being an
international outcast like Iraq under Saddam Hussein and more recently
Tehran.

"Iraq did it. Iran did it. Saudi Arabia would never do this type of
behaviour," he said.

Saudi Arabia is in the very early stages of planning an atomic power
programme, and has signed up to the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and a
more rigorous safeguarding protocol with the International Atomic Energy
Agency.

Any attempt to build a bomb in secret would probably take decades due to
the kingdom's current lack of any nuclear technology, expertise or
materials, analysts believe.

Even if it were to attempt to short cut that process by, for example,
buying an off-the-peg atomic weapons system from Pakistan - a transaction
itself fraught with difficulties - the obstacles would be formidable.

"There's a lot of infrastructure to put in place, to make the threat
credible and deliverable. It's not clear to me that Saudi Arabia would be
able to do that in short order at all," said Mark Hibbs, a senior associate
at Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and nuclear proliferation
expert.

Such an effort would also incur a massive price in diplomatic and economic
relations with other countries, notably the United States. The Saudi
economy, reliant on oil exports and the import of many goods and services
from overseas, appears ill suited to withstand such pressures. (Additional
reporting by William Maclean in Dubai, Arshad Mohammed in Washington,
Mahmoud Harby in Kuwait and Dominic Evans in Beirut; editing by David Stamp)






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