http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-aap-conundrum-steering-clear-of-doctrines-1947770
The AAP conundrum: Steering clear of doctrines
Thursday, Jan 9, 2014, 10:31 IST | Agency: DNA
 [image: Praful Bidwai] Praful
Bidwai<http://www.dnaindia.com/authors/praful-bidwai>


That the Aam Aadmi Party represents something unprecedented in Indian
politics is a truism. AAP is India’s first party since the JP movement of
the 1970s to have evolved from a civil society mobilisation. It’s formally
a regional party, but with unhidden national ambitions and a fast-growing
presence outside its original base. Unlike most regional outfits, it has no
crystallised caste, class, ethnic, religious or location-specific identity.

AAP claims to have no ideology or affinity to doctrines like socialism,
secularism, liberalism or Hindutva. Ideology, it says, is “for the pundits
and the media…” AAP is itself content to be “solution-focused”.  It
deplores the “tendency to pin down political parties as Left, Right,
Centre…”
AAP is less about goals — barring eradicating corruption, its principal
agenda—than process: popular participation to reduce the distance between
people and politics, rulers and ruled.

This is a mix of positive and negative features. Take the positives. AAP
has publicly rallied the normally apolitical middle class. It will
willy-nilly eat into the BJP’s votes. No party places as much emphasis as
AAP on grassroots democracy, gram-sabha and mohalla deliberations, local
ownership/control of resources like water, minerals and forests, and
participatory decision-making, including referendums. This can empower
people and give them a sense of ownership of politics, so lacking in India.
AAP’s social agendas like providing water, power, health and education are
also welcome.

The negatives are AAP’s silence on vital questions like poverty,
inequality, communalism, and gender and caste discrimination; prevarication
on affirmative action for the underprivileged; refusal to take a stand on
Narendra Modi while mainly targeting the Congress; and ad-hoc policy-making
unrelated to a broader vision.

Rejection of ideology, which alone can provide vision, is crucial here.
Take the AAP government’s first two decisions: to supply 700 litres of
water free to each Delhi household daily, and halve electricity tariffs for
monthly consumption below 400 units. Contrary to appearances, these don’t
favour the poor as much as the middle/upper-middle class, and duck issues
of universal access and equity.

More than one-third of Delhi’s households, typically poor, don’t have
piped-water connections, and will be effectively excluded. Little will be
done to improve supply to water-deprived areas or break the water-tanker
mafia’s stranglehold. But 54 per cent of Delhi’s water will continue to be
wasted. A person only needs 50-60 litres daily. Giving 140 litres free to
all will increase waste.

Take electricity. Private distribution companies (discoms) have been
overcharging consumers through meter-tampering, cost-padding, etc. AAP
should have ordered an audit, and then proceeded towards tariff reduction.
Instead, it raised subsidies to discoms! Poor and middle-class people don’t
need 400 monthly units. Even an un-airconditioned three-bedroom home with a
refrigerator uses 200 units. Halving tariffs for 400 units means
subsidising the rich, but leaving 8 lakh poor families unconnected.

AAP’s transportation policy is similarly warped: its minister opposes
bicycle lanes and Bus Rapid Transit, which is superior to the Metro. AAP’s
“Vision” document talks of education and health unpardonably naively. It
only wants to raise government schools’ quality to that of private
schools—not establish common schooling. Healthcare involves nutrition,
sanitation, environmental safety, and preventive and curative medicine. AAP
reduces it to hospitals alone.

Worse, AAP is bending to pressure to conform to “mainstream” positions.
That’s why Prashant Bhushan had to recant his sensible statements on
Kashmir. As MNC executives, bankers and professionals join AAP, its
composition and positions will become more elitist.  Whether and how it
will combine this with a grassroots orientation remains unclear.

*The author is a writer, columnist, and a professor at the Council for
Social Development, Delhi*


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Peace Is Doable

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