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Mihir S Sharma: The Modi generation

Mihir S Sharma  May 16, 2014 Last Updated at 22:42 IST

Mihir S Sharma

There are moments in a country's history, not many, when it
pivots. On May 16, 2014, India moved rightward with far greater force and
momentum than pretty much anyone had expected. By any standards, at any
time, this would have been a spectacular victory. Not since 1984 has a party
claimed a majority of seats in the Lok Sabha. But it is doubly spectacular,
and doubly important: because of the nature of the contest, and because of
the man who won.

For this is one man's victory, never doubt it. People will claim various
things over the next few days. They will blame Manmohan Singh, or Rahul
Gandhi, or Arvind Kejriwal, or Mukesh Ambani. All these are irrelevant to
what happened here. What happened was the stuff of political dreams, and
nightmares: a natural politician, of the highest order, who sensed exactly
what his electorate wanted to hear and gave it to them. If this was an
anti-Congress vote, why was the Bahujan Samaj Party wiped out in Uttar
Pradesh? Why is the Bharatiya Janata Party second in both Kolkata South and
Kolkata North? It is convenient and easy to suppose that the Modi phenomenon
is something transitory, something illusory, something easily explicable by
general disgust at a few arrogant press conferences by the Congress, the
venal amateurishness of the regional parties, the theatricality of the Aam
Aadmi Party. But no. This is a moment in history: the scale and the nature
of the victory militates against it being just ordinary anti-incumbency.
Narendra Modi took a party that would have seen 180 seats as a thumping
victory and gave it a majority. A year or so ago, when the Mission 272
website was launched, I laughed as loudly as did most everyone else. I, and
most everyone else, could not have been more wrong. Because this was a
moment in history, not just any election.

And so we must ask: what is this that happened here? What is there in Modi,
that he has received the adulation and approval of a nation on a level
denied to anyone since Indira Gandhi? In small towns and villages, the most
aggressive pro-Modi voices are young men brimming over with anger. This is
the youth bulge of North India; those too young to remember 1984, or even
1991 in some cases. India's history has finally caught up to their arrival.
They were always going to make their mark on this country - bulge
generations do, just consider the Boomers in America.

Modi speaks to these young men in a way nothing in their lives ever has. He
speaks of an India where there is no unemployment, which some of them
believe is already banished from Gujarat. He speaks of an India which is so
intimidating that China and Pakistan will not dare cross it; and they
believe that, if Modi can face down the media, he would terrify the People's
Republic. He speaks of an India that does not feel the desire to visit
America, because Americans will wish to come here. He sold these dreams, and
they were bought. Not since Indira and garibi hatao has as much myth been
manufactured in the Hindi heartland. Mr Modi has a majority, the most
sweeping mandate he could desire. If he does not deliver in a few years, he
will not just disappoint a few voters. He will enrage an already frustrated
generation.

It is not just the anxious young men in our sprawling metros, either. It is
middle-caste, even some Dalit men, in smaller towns, anxious to leave their
past behind them, who see in Modi something - a will to power perhaps - that
transcends origins. Who holds out to them the possibility that their sordid
present will become a glorious future - because that future already exists
in glorious Gujarat. It is not all about jobs, as some would claim; it is
about self-respect. Waves always are. What many of these young men see as
the deep national humiliation, the bruising of national machismo, that comes
from being ruled for 10 years by an Italian-born au pair and an inarticulate
elderly man, could only be erased in this manner, through electing the man
who most forcefully articulated their contempt.

And it is an entire generation of upper-caste, influential, "middle-class"
young people in cities, too. Young people who despise reservations, and see
Modi as the only leader "untainted" by identity politics, for Hinduism is
not an identity for young Hindu people. Young people who feel a quiet
approval of the possibility that this incoming Lok Sabha will have the
fewest number of Muslims in India's history. Young people convinced their
state is not run for them, but for faceless people in villages. Young people
who refuse to accept a history in which India did not have a past as
inventive as China's, or as glorious as Egypt's; or a history in which Nehru
did not hold back India from the heights that Patel would have helped it
climb. Young people who think that hate is what Modi endures from liberals,
not what Muslims endured in Ahmedabad, and still do. Young people for whom
the Congress will never be, now, more than a joke - other generations were
politicised by Babri, or by Mandal, or by 2002; these fellows were
politicised by Rahul Gandhi jokes on the internet.

These young people have never seen a government with a majority. They do not
fear a powerful leader; they long for one. It is difficult for some of us to
be reconciled to the prime minister-elect because of the 2002 riots, and the
aftermath in which he minimised the violence and attacked the media that
reported it. But, for the Modi generation, that is exactly the definition of
strength.

Every pillar of the liberal establishment has already declared that India
will survive Modi unscathed. Perhaps. Whether it will survive both Modi and
the Modi generation unscathed is another matter.

  _____



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