["For over a decade, Modi has not lacked for comparators. He's been likened
to Nero, Hitler, Putin. To me, he has all the makings of a Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan <http://www.theguardian.com/world/recep-tayyip-erdogan>: a hi-tech
populist holding together a fragile coalition of big business, impatient
urban youth and religious fundamentalists. Those disparate groups can be
kept together as long as growth comes. But if it doesn't, Modi and his
generals will go hunting for an enemy: Pakistan, India's own minorities,
and the pseudo-seculars."

The issue is whether he'll wait that long; or being the shrewd politician
that he is will embark on that project right from the very beginning in the
sure knowledge that the Gujarat model is a hoax - and who can know better?
- and there is no way it can succeed in India.]

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/may/19/narendra-modi-populist-india-revolutionary-values-constitution

===========
 Narendra Modi: is a hi-tech populist the best India can hope for?
 Talk of a 'revolutionary moment' is usually hyperbole, but not here: NaMo
ticks none of the values that are laid out in his country's constitution
  Narendra Modi at Party headquarters after winning a thumping majority on
May 16. Photograph: Hindustan Times via Getty Images

 Aditya Chakrabortty <http://www.theguardian.com/profile/adityachakrabortty>

Monday 19 May 2014 14.54 EDT
'There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades
happen," wrote Lenin. This weekend, as the Nehru-Gandhi franchise took one
of its biggest beatings ever and Narendra
Modi<http://www.theguardian.com/world/narendra-modi>made his first
speech as PM-elect, India could be seen lurching in a new
direction.

Talk of a "revolutionary moment" is usually journalistic hyperbole, but not
here. The superlatives stack up: at 550m, or two-thirds of voters, this was
a record turnout, delivering an absolute majority to one party for the
first time in 30 years. And this is the first time the Hindu-fundamentalist
BJP will be able to govern alone.

Couple that with the particular characteristics of the man who will be the
next prime minister. India has had plenty of aberrant politicians: there
was Lalu Prasad Yadav, who reportedly ruled Bihar from a prison cell, ringing
his illiterate wife with
instructions<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fodder_Scam>(Bihar, by the
way, has a population almost one and a half times the size
of Britain). Or Mayawati next door in Uttar Pradesh, who erected statues of
herself.

Narendra Modi has the requisite colourful
"backstory<http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=68907>":
he sold tea at railway stations and his election campaign was disrupted by
the emergence of his long-ignored wife. But that is not what makes his
ascension to ruling over a billion people most significant.
Advertisement

The simplest way to bring out the historical novelty of Modi is by
comparing him with the values laid out in the first few words of his
country's constitution.

Independent India, it says, will be a "Socialist, Secular, Democratic
Republic" <http://indiacode.nic.in/coiweb/coifiles/preamble.htm>. Well, the
man they call NaMo is no socialist: the "development model" he coined while
running Gujarat was based on handing cut-price land and soft loans to big
business, who in turn flew him around on private jets. This brought cash
into the state, but very little of it has been shared out beyond big cities
such as Ahmedabad. Modi's Gujarat lagged behind the other big states in
India in tackling infant mortality, poverty and illiteracy.

Secular? Modi was interviewed by one of the country's leading
intellectuals, Ashis Nandy, in the 1990s, when he was almost unknown. Nandy
later wrote <http://www.india-seminar.com/2002/513/513%20ashis%20nandy.htm>:
"I still remember the cool, measured tone in which he elaborated a theory
of cosmic conspiracy against India that painted every Muslim as a suspected
traitor and a potential terrorist. I came out of the interview shaken and
told [his companion] Yagnik that, for the first time, I had met a textbook
case of a fascist and a prospective killer, perhaps even a future mass
murderer." In 2002, Modi presided when a pogrom killed 1,000-2,000 Muslims.
As for "democratic", Modi ran his home state like an autocrat, giving
thuggish lieutenant Amit Shah no fewer than 10 portfolios.

A man who opposes all the foundational ideals of the Indian state now has
an absolute majority to demolish. Why? First, those pluralist principles
were seriously eroded by those in Congress who mouthed them. Indira Gandhi
suspended basic rights during the "emergency" of 1975; her son, Rajiv,
played with the iconography of Hindutva. More recently, Congress had
settled into a warm bath of corruption. And finally, this year's election
was notable for its parade of unpalatable characters.

As a joke doing the rounds in Delhi put it, the three national-party
candidates were a Duffer, a Bluffer and a Muffler. The duffer was Rahul
Gandhi; the muffler referred to third-party leader Arvind Kejriwal's habit
of wrapping himself in a scarf. As for Modi the bluffer, his party has won
a simple majority on only 31% share of the vote (by way of an indicator,
David Cameron was forced into coalition with 36%).

For over a decade, Modi has not lacked for comparators. He's been likened
to Nero, Hitler, Putin. To me, he has all the makings of a Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan <http://www.theguardian.com/world/recep-tayyip-erdogan>: a hi-tech
populist holding together a fragile coalition of big business, impatient
urban youth and religious fundamentalists. Those disparate groups can be
kept together as long as growth comes. But if it doesn't, Modi and his
generals will go hunting for an enemy: Pakistan, India's own minorities,
and the pseudo-seculars.


-- 
Peace Is Doable

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