Some more.

Sukla

I/II.
NTUI Statement on Budget 2015

Budget for the rich to get richer and throw crumbs to the poor: New
Delhi, 2 March 2015: The Union Budget of 2015-16, the BJP government's
first full budget, has a sense of triumphalism that it 'can fly'
because it believes that , the 'opportunity for this exist because we
(the BJP government) have created it' over the last nine-and-a-half
months. This government is taking credit for conditions and
circumstances that it has nothing to do with or did not, in the
remotest way, have the ability or opportunity to contribute to. The
BJP government rewards itself with the entire credit for the
deceleration of the rate of inflation. It does not anywhere take note
of the fact that inflationary pressure and therefore the country's
current account balance, has anything to do with the fact that
international oil prices are at their lowest level in 5 years and at,
in fact, half of what they were in May 2014. The BJP government would
be wise to note that almost identical circumstances marked the
euphoria at the start of the second UPA government. Furthermore,
although inflation indices may show a decline, the measure of food
price inflation is yet to show any significant decline.

The second reason that appears to tell the BJP government that its'
time to 'fly' has come is that, based on revised government
statistics, it has given itself the title of the 'fastest growing
largest economy' in the world. The government's Economic Survey
2014-15 (ES), released on 27 February 2015, indicated that the economy
will grow in 2015-16 by anywhere between 8.1 to 8.5 percent from a
growth of 5.9 percent in the current year (2014-15).

A substantial part of the Budget Statement is interspersed with the
promise that 'every rupee of public expenditure...will contribute to the
betterment of people's lives through job creation, poverty elimination
and economic growth'. Hence the test we must apply to this budget is
whether the growth inspired by this budget will indeed contribute to
job creation and poverty elimination. Equally, we are concerned about
whether this rate of growth will introduce stability in the economy
and what its distributional consequences will be for the working
class.

Reducing Poverty by Reducing Budgetary Provision on Social Protection

The government's promise of 'poverty elimination' comes with an
across-the-board reduction in government expenditure on social
protection and social security. The funds allocated for the MGNREGA
are frozen at Rs. 34,000 crores and have for the first time come to
below 2 percent of government expenditure. Expenditure on health,
education, women and child development, both rural and urban housing,
drinking water and sanitation, and welfare of SCs, STs and minorities
all taken together have faced cuts amounting to 1 percent of the total
budgeted expenditure or nearly Rs. 10,000 crores. If we break these
down and adjust for the increases in the Prime Ministers pet projects
'Swachh Bharat' and urban housing through public private partnerships
(PPP), then the reductions in the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, the Mid-day
Meal Scheme, the Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS), the
National Rural Health Mission and the Indira Aawas Yojana are not
insignificant. Apart from not allowing for the scaling up of these
critical programmes, the reduced budgetary support implies that the
roughly  1 crore 'honorarium' workers employed by these programmes
will not see an increase in their meagre wages and will continue to
remain close to the poverty line.

Not to be seen as wanting in generosity, the Budget Statement
increases the provision for food subsidy by a 'generous' sum of Rs.
2,000 crores to Rs. 124,000 crores. The full implementation of the
National Food Security Act would require significantly more budgetary
support than this which implies, despite the expressed promise of
transparency, that the BJP government has decided to accept the Shanta
Kumar Committee recommendation of restructuring the Food Corporation
of India and curtailing the reach of the NFSA.

Universal Social Security defined by ability to pay

Additionally, the BJP government commits itself to creating a
'universal social security system' for which government is willing to
commit Rs. 1200 crores. This will support contributory pension,
accident and life insurance schemes which the government will support
for a maximum of five years. Even through the most generous
computation, these schemes can reach 1.2 crore people or about 2.5% of
the working population.

Towards furthering a 'universal social security system', government
commits itself to providing workers a choice between health care
benefits under Employee State Insurance and contributory health
insurance and between Employees' Provident Fund and the New Pension
Scheme. In 'choosing' between health care and retiral benefits that
are guaranteed and protected under law, the government is playing on
the monetary hardship of  workers 'below a certain threshold of
monthly income' in pushing them to low contribution options in the
private sector. The BJP government's objective is not to create a
system of universal social security but to universalise, in every
sphere of economic life, the principle of capacity to pay and ability
to pay.

'Ease of Business' means the exchequer will guarantee the profits

Having turned over the task of social security to private insurance
and pension companies, the BJP government recognises that the private
sector is in trouble and cannot really drive growth and lacks the
capacity to invest in the economy to drive growth and create jobs, as
its Economic Survey admitted: 'The situation of Indian public-sector
banks and corporate balance sheets suggests that the expectation that
the private sector will drive investment needs to be moderated'. And
even though it explicitly acknowledges in both its 2014-15 and 2015-16
budgets that the PPP model does not work, the BJP government committed
itself to the PPP model (3PIndia) as the institutionalised sponsorship
of the private sector by government in its 2014 Budget, and now, it
goes one step further in cementing this sponsorship by confirming that
the 'sovereign will have to bear a major part of the risk' for capital
investment. These 'sovereign' or government guaranteed loans will come
from tax free bonds.

The commitment of the BJP government to subsidise the private sector
cannot be in doubt. The job will not be completed merely by
guaranteeing loans for private investment.   For a start, it will hand
over five ultra mega power projects to the private sector after
putting in place 'all clearances' in the 'plug-and-play mode'. Besides
these five power projects, government will consider other
infrastructure projects, too, including railways, ports, highways and
airports. The package of the BJP government's policy issued through
the present and the previous BSs along with the Land Acquisition and
Coal Ordinances represent that for 'ease of business' to succeed,
'eminent domain' must be in place. 'Eminent domain' must exist for the
private sector so that ease of profit allows Prime Minster Narendra
Modi's 'ease of business' model to work.

In the knowledge that ease of profits for infrastructure will not be
sufficient to pull in enough investable resources to drive 8+ percent
growth, the BJP government must necessarily turn its attention to
foreign investment. Various tax concessions have been extended to
foreign portfolio investors, including those who do not wish to
register themselves in the country. Special provisions are also to be
put in place under the BS to ease the functioning of private equity
and hedge funds that are in polite company called Alternative
Investment Funds. Most of all, the distinction between foreign
portfolio investment (that is speculative and moves from one country
to another and one company to another) and foreign direct investment
(that is stable in a single company) has been effectively
extinguished. This will serve to  tilt the balance  towards more
short-termism, more speculation and even less towards long-term
investment in technology, innovation and skills  than is currently the
case with multinational companies.

In addition to the foregoing, the BJP government promises to lower
corporate tax - the tax on companies - from the present 30 percent to
25 percent over the length of this government. The budget abolishes
wealth tax and replaces it with a 2 percent cess on those with incomes
of Rs. 1 crore or more. This will brings in Rs. 9,000 crores a year or
about 0.50 percent of the total budgeted government expenditure for
2015-16. Conversely, service tax will rise from 12.36 percent to 14
percent. While on the one hand, the BJP government has made clear that
it will continue to provide tax breaks on corporate and personal
income taxes by raising service tax and confirming the introduction of
the Goods and Service Tax by April 2016, the BJP government will
extend the reliance on indirect taxes.  Although the BS does announce
a new legislation for hunting down black money abroad, its scrapping
of the proposal for the Direct Tax Code to plug loopholes in taxes and
putting the General Anti-Avoidance Rules on the back burner is an
indication of how serious the BJP government is about plugging
loopholes at home.

The BJP government's tax proposals will potentially 'forego' about Rs.
600,000 crores. Of this, some 10% or Rs. 60,000 crores will be the
direct benefit to private companies. While the BJP government expects
the economy to grow at 8+ percent a year, the BS only estimates an
increase in tax revenues of 1.35% as compared to the previous year.
The Tax-to-GDP ratio is expected to dip to less than 10 percent over
the next year. This would mean taking the country back to the same
state as at the time of the last BJP government.

Who will pay for government expenditure?

The questions remains: where is the money to meet government
expenditure going to come from, in the absence of increased tax
revenue, and where will the money for capital investment come from, to
create the jobs that will 'make in India'?

Monies to meet government's expenditure will come from two sources -
first, nearly 10 percent of government expenditure will be met through
interest and dividend payments to government by public sector
undertakings and the sale of shares (disinvestment) in public sector
undertakings. The most important source of government funds will come
through borrowings.

As for job creation, from its own side, the BJP government plans to
invest a sum total of Rs. 70,000 crores in capital investment. The BS
does not tell us where it will go. No one knows at this point how much
of it will go to shoring up PPPs.  At any rate, the amounts on offer
are in fact less than 0.50 percent of GDP. This is going to be far
from sufficient to drive 8 percent growth or take it to the
'double-digits', as the BS  promises for the years ahead. The BJP
government is relying on an additional Rs. 320,000 crores to be
invested by public sector corporations. Hence 'make in India', too,
will be for the private sector with the resources of the public
sector.

The general condition of the economy is poor and the 'roadmap for the
future', as put forward by the BS, provides little hope for working
people. For one, the entire fiscal framework - of taxation and
spending - of the BJP government will contribute further to
inequalities. Second, the increased 'sovereign' borrowings to finance
investment will be further tax-free transfers to the rich. And third,
the dependence on foreign investment flows pushes up the value of the
rupee which makes our exports more expensive abroad and makes it
difficult to export our goods abroad. This bodes poorly for sustained
and stable levels of economic growth and therefore for job creation
and wages with growing inequalities.

And yet, perhaps, there is still a chance for achhe din! The BS
promises that if the rich pay taxes beyond expectation (the level of
which remains unstated), the BJP government will throw in an
additional Rs. 10,000 crores (or a total of 0.50 percent of budgeted
expenditure) to fund the MGNREGA, Integrated ICDS, Integrated Child
Protection Scheme (ICPS) and the Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchai
Yojana.Working people must live in the hope that  the rich get richer
- for it is then that the BJP government will throw crumbs at them.

Gautam Mody

General Secretary

http://ntui.org.in/media/item/budget-for-the-rich-to-get-richer-and-throw-crumbs-to-the-poor/

The link to the NTUI statement on the proposed changes to the LAAR is at :

http://ntui.org.in/media/item/repeal-the-land-ordinance/

Regards
Avijit

II.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/budget-2015/union-budget-2015/Budget-2015-Centres-cash-spread-to-states-lavish-only-on-paper/articleshow/46424852.cms

Budget 2015: Centre's cash-spread to states lavish only on paper
TNN | Mar 2, 2015, 03.02 AM IST

Snipped
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Peace Is Doable

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