http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-basic-right-is-in-danger/article7482874.ece

July 31, 2015

Updated: July 31, 2015 07:55 IST
A basic right is in danger

CHINMAYI ARUN <http://www.thehindu.com/profile/author/chinmayi-arun/>

“While opinions may vary about Aadhar, the government is expected to act in
the best interests of the people.” Picture shows biometric particulars
being collected in Tamil Nadu. Photo: K. Ananthan

  *The Attorney General’s argument questioning the right of Indians to
privacy is wrong on two counts. But worse, it goes against the interests of
the people on every count.*

The last ten days have spelt dark times for the right to privacy. On one
hand, the DNA Profiling Bill, which may result in a database of sensitive
personal data with little to prevent its misuse, is being tabled in
Parliament. On the other hand, the Attorney General took a shocking
position in the Supreme Court of disputing the very existence of the right
to privacy in the Aadhar case.

Undermining decades of evolution of this right through Supreme Court
judgments, Mukul Rohatgi argued that it is necessary to put together a
constitutional bench to determine whether the citizens of India have a
right to privacy.

He is in the wrong for two reasons. The first is technical: he is mistaken
in his assertion that *M.P. Sharma v Satish Chandra *and *Kharak Singh v.
the State of U.P. *created legal doctrine that is no constitutional right
to privacy. The second reason is political. A lawyer holding the Attorney
General’s office should consider the appropriateness of using that office
and public resources when denying that Indian citizens have privacy rights,
which are universally recognised human rights. This is all quite apart from
the fact that India has ratified the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights, which unequivocally supports the existence of the right
to privacy. The United Nations has gone so far as to create a Special
Rapporteur on the right to privacy this year. In the context of US
surveillance of its citizens, the Indian government has acknowledged the
existence of the right to privacy.

*In the Constitution*

The two decisions that Mr. Rohatgi references did not raise questions about
the right to privacy as a whole. Both confined themselves to the limited
question of whether principles mirroring the US Fourth Amendment may be
read into the Indian Constitution, which is only one element of the right
to privacy. The M.P. Sharma case did this while ascertaining if there are
any constitutional limitations to the government’s search and seizure of
people’s homes, persons and effects; and the Kharak Singh case did this in
the context of physical surveillance of ‘history sheeters’.

In *M.P. Sharma*, the judgment states, “When the Constitution makers have
thought fit not to subject such regulation to Constitutional limitations by
recognition of *a* *fundamental right to privacy, analogous to the American
Fourth Amendment*, we have no justification to import it into a totally
different fundamental right by some process of strained construction”
(emphasis added). This makes it clear that it is not the right to privacy
as a whole that is being referred to. The American Fourth Amendment
pertains to the “right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures”, not to
the right of privacy in its entirety.

The M.P. Sharma judgment goes further to say, “It is to be remembered that
searches of the kind we are concerned with are under the authority of a
Magistrate… When such judicial function is interposed between the
individual and the officer’s authority for search, no circumvention thereby
of the fundamental right is to be assumed.” This makes it evident that the
court desisted from intervening because it saw the requirement of a
Magistrate’s order as safeguard enough.

Similarly, although the judgment in *Kharak Singh *contains the sentence
with the ominous beginning “as already pointed out, the right of privacy is
not a guaranteed right under our Constitution”, this sentence cannot be
taken out of context. The ‘already pointed out’ refers to an earlier
portion of the same judgment in which the court quotes the U.S. Fourth
Amendment, and then declares that our Constitution does not confer any
‘like constitutional guarantee’. This makes it clear that it is the Fourth
Amendment text specifically that the court was referring to.

The court also belied its own position by finding that unauthorised
intrusion into a person’s home violates the common law principle of “every
man’s house is his castle”. The judgment explicitly takes the position that
Article 21 is a repository for residual personal liberty rights, leaving it
open for future reading of such rights into Article 21.

It is apparent that the two cases do not rule out a broad constitutional
right to privacy. It is almost impossible to consider the right to privacy
in its entirety in a single case since it is a bundle of rights including
everything from safeguards against unauthorised collection of personal data
to restrictions on intrusion into private spaces. The cases that have
emerged from the Supreme Court over the years make this apparent.

Different elements of privacy rights have been read into our right to life
and our right to free expression. We have a right against untrammelled
interception of our communication, and against doctors divulging personal
medical information. Long before the Constitution or the Constituent
Assembly came into being, the right to privacy of women in purdah was
acknowledged by common law, which forbade the building of balconies above
their quarters. We do, therefore, have a rich history of enforcing the
right. Like many other nations, we called it by different names and have
found it within legal and cultural norms unique to India.

It is common for lawyers to use every strategy they can to win cases but
the Attorney General is no ordinary lawyer. S/he is a constitutional
authority. It is inappropriate for someone of that stature to argue that
the people of India do not have a right to privacy. Former Attorney General
Niren De was criticised sharply for telling the Supreme Court that it could
be helped if the right to life was violated during Emergency. Mr. Rohatgi’s
argument is comparable.

This is a democracy, and while opinions may vary about Aadhar, the
government is expected to act in the best interests of the people. Here, we
have the Attorney General stepping away from arguing that the government’s
actions are in the interests of the people to say that the people do not
have rights in the first place.

It is not a case of the government’s lawyer arguing for the prevalence of
the wider community’s interests over individual rights, or disputing what
is in the interests of the majority of citizens. Mr. Rohatgi, on behalf of
the Indian government, is making an argument that is blatantly against the
rights and interests of all citizens of India.

Interestingly, the argument runs contrary also to the Minister of
Communications and Information Technology’s statements recognising
citizens’ right to privacy in the context of both US and Indian
surveillance.

*Time to clarify*

This incident is about more than an argument made in court. It is a serious
problem if the Union government makes statements that respect privacy and
then takes actions that attempt to destroy it. It is also inconsistent for
the government to argue internationally that the U.S. has violated Indian
citizens’ right to privacy and then to argue before the Supreme Court that
Indian citizens do not have the right to privacy.

Under the circumstances, it is necessary for the government to issue a
statement clarifying its stand, which I hope will consist of some form of
support for citizens’ privacy rights. Once this is clear, perhaps the
Attorney General could continue the arguments that take his client’s wishes
into account.

A clear statement from the Prime Minister’s office might also enable other
ministries to ensure that they embed this right in their policies. This,
for example, might have gone a long way in ensuring that cast-iron privacy
safeguards were added to the DNA Profiling Bill.

Ignoring the right to privacy will not only affect India’s ‘global image’
more than any critical documentary does, it will also complicate
international commercial relations. Who would send their information or
employees to a country that disregards its residents’ right to privacy?

*(Chinmayi Arun is Research Director, Centre for Communication Governance,
National Law University, Delhi.)*


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