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From: "Marx Laboratory" <[email protected]>
Date: Oct 30, 2015 7:27 PM
Subject: GITA PRESS AND MAKING OF HINDU INDIA - by Pranay Krishna
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Gita Press and the Making of Hindu India

*(A review of Akshay Mukul’s book)  *




*Pranay Krishna *



*The RSS and its affiliates are desperate even today to lay claim over the
heritage of Indian freedom struggle in which they were never historically
involved and have no worthwhile icons to showcase. But their ideology
nevertheless got sustenance from the cultural-social upheavals of the same
tumultuous era and weaknesses of the same freedom struggle, and got
crystallized through numerous channels of organizations, movements and
institutions, one of which was Gita Press of Gorakhpur.*



Akshaya Mukul tells a fascinating story of the making of Gita Press (born
1926) which has shaped the middle class Hindu consciousness, especially of
northern India through its periodicals ‘Kalyan’ (Hindi) and ‘Kalyan
Kalpataru’ (English) which now have a monthly circulation of 2 lakhs and 1
lakh copies respectively. *Gita Press and the Making of Hindu India* is a
remarkable piece of work which gives us many insights into the historical
and cultural roots of the ‘Hindutva’ project, its formative constituencies,
core agenda and its dissemination in public consciousness.



The Hindus did not always exist as a community ‘for itself’ in India. There
was a specific political process that constituted ‘Hindus’ as a social and
political community and constituency in India. The political project of
Hindutva sought to imagine and create a specifically Hindu rather than
Indian nation – and the Gita Press was integral to that project.



Gita Press was instrumental in resolving conflicts between the reformist
organizations and the traditionalist ones which upheld ‘sanatana dharma’
for the larger project of ‘Hindu nationalism.’ The author has convincingly
and authentically brought into bold relief how Gita Press graduated from a
platform of ‘homogenous, popular, bhakti-oriented brahminical hinduism’ to
a platform of communal hatred and Muslim vilification during the 1940s, and
a vehicle for the campaign against the Hindu Code Bill and many other
fanatical campaigns of the Ram Rajya Parishad, Hindu Mahasabha, RSS and VHP
in the post-independence era.



 Mukul’s work is addressed to academics, activists and the lay reader
alike, who may benefit from a significant academic work drawing upon huge
hitherto untouched archives of Gita Press and personal papers of Hanuman
Prasad Poddar, as also from the lucid narrative style of the book, full of
hundreds of interesting characters and anecdotes woven around the story of
Gita Press.



In the beginning itself, the author underlines the emergence and growth of
a Hindi public sphere in the end of 19th and the beginning of the 20th
century. This public sphere - marked by the consolidation of Hindi as a
language of Hindus, Marwari religious philanthropy and most importantly the
communal conflagration of 1920s in U.P. and Bihar which saw right-wing
Congress leaders tilting towards cow protection and ‘shuddhi’ (what is
today called ‘Ghar-wapsi’) movements - contributed to the birth and
eventual success of Gita Press.



At a time when innocents are being lynched to death in Dadri (Uttar
Pradesh), Udhampur (Kashmir) and Shimla (Himachal Pradesh) in the name of
protecting the cow, Mukul’s book gives us a glimpse of the discourses and
events of history which went into the making of Dadri-like episodes we are
witnessing today. Mukul’s book provides an exhaustive account of the role
of Gita Press in sustaining the politics of ‘cow protection’ in
post-independence India: starting with an ‘anti-cow slaughter day’ just
five days before Independence; and moving on to a violent protest at the
Congress office and Parliament that claimed 8 lives in the heart of Delhi
in November 1966; and the continuity of that movement till today. Mukul’s
description of the 663-page ‘gau ank’ (cow edition) of ‘Kalyan’ (1945) with
contributors drawn from varied ideological affiliations, from ultra
conservatives to Hindu nationalists and Congress conservatives, enlightens
the readers about how the modern ‘Hindutva’ project gained ‘hegemony’.



Mukul’s account of the life and personality of the chief architect of Gita
Press, Hanuman Prasad Poddar, as a man adept at making friends and
influencing people of multiple vocations and even contradictory
commitments; wholly or partially appropriating their fame, authority,
achievements and even their inner conflicts and ambivalences for the cause
of a Sanatana Dharma-led Hindu nationalism is simply astounding. Poddar had
kept company and had fruitful relationships with a diverse spectrum of
people such as stalwarts of the  Marwari business houses of Birlas,
Dalmiyas, Goenkas , leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and his followers such as
Vinoba Bhave, Viyogi Hari, Lal Bahadur Shastri and Kaka Kalelkar, rightwing
congress leaders such as Madan Mohan Malaviya, P.D. Tandon, Sampurnanand,
K.M. Munshi, Rajendra Prasad, G.B. Pant and those from Hindu right such as
M.S. Golwalkar, Mahant Digvijaynath, Prabhudutt Brahmachari, Swami
Karpatri, Baba Raghav Das, Shyama Prasad Mukherji,  A.B. Vajpayee  etc.  All
these men wrote for ‘Kalyan’ at various points of time commensurate with
their varied degrees of relations with Gita Press. The list of contributors
of ‘Kalyan’ and ‘Kalyan-Kalpataru’ reads like a ‘Who’s Who’ of the
intellectual and political history of the first half of the 20th century
India. Apart from those noted above, the list included  historians like
Bhupendranath Sanyal and Radha Kumud Mukherjee, sociologist Radha Kamal
Mukherjee, scholars such as Satyendranath Sen, Kshitimohan Sen, S.
Radhakrishnan, G.N. Jha,  linguists Suniti Kumar Chatterjee and Raghuvir,
Indologists and spiritualists Otto Schrader, E.P. Hortwitz, Annie Besant,
Gopinath Kaviraj, Sadhu Vaswani, Nicholas Roreich, George Arundale, C.F.
Andrews, scholar politicians such as  C.Y. Chintamani, Pattabhi
Sitaramaiyah and C. Rajagopalachari, jurists K N Katju and K M Jhaver,
Parsi writer Firoze C Dawar, Muslim scholar Mohammad Sayyid Hafiz, far
right wing writers such as Nardev Shastri Vedtirth, Chandkaran Sharda,
Nirmal Chandra Chatterjee, N C Kelkar, and Narayan Bhaskar Khare among
several others.



Although, as the writer notes, Gita Press or Poddar were never given any
importance in the history of Hindi literature, Poddar was successful in
getting leading lights of Hindi literature from the pre-independence era to
write for Kalyan. Some of them wrote only once or twice and some wrote
reluctantly, yet many of them contributed regularly too. Banarasi Das
Chaturvedi, Harioudh, Ambuikadutt Vajpayee, Ramnaresh Tripathi, Padam Singh
Sharma, Mahavir Prasad Dwivedi, Pitambhar Dutt Badathwal, Badrinath Bhatt,
Gulabrai, Gaya Prasad Shukla ‘Sanehi’, Baburao Vishnu Paradkar, Kishoridas
Vajpayee, Seth Govind Das, Dinesh Nandini Dalmiya, Ilachandra Joshi,
Ramchandra Shukla, Nand Dulare Vajpayee, Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, Shivprasad
Gupta, Premchand, Nirala, Pant, Prasad and Harivansh Rai Bachchan were
among those who wrote for Kalyan. Not all the contributors subscribed to
the ideological framework of Gita Press as it evolved eventually, but
Poddar “would reach out to anyone who might fit some aspect of the well
designed template.” Artists trained at leading Art Schools and by great
painters did illustrations and worked for Kalyan. These included
Satyendranath Banerjee, Sharadacharan Ukil, D D Deolalikar, Kanu Desai,
Binay Kumar Mitra, Jagannath Chitakar, and Bhagwan Das.



The decade of 1940 was the turning point in the history of Gita Press. “In
the 1940s, as the prospect of Independence and subsequently Partition
became real, the focus of Gita Press and Kalyan turned entirely political,
reporting and interpreting events through the communal prism. ....This was
also the period when the Gita Press took its cordial relationship with the
RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha to another level, that of open
collaboration.....it was time to throw caution to the winds and exchange
Gita Press’s stated mission of spreading bhakti (devotion), gyan
(knowledge) and vairagya (renunciation) for the language of violence,
intimidation, reprisal and everything else that contributed to the
uncertainty of 1940s.” (Pgs 234-235) Articles in Kalyan carried graphic
tales of rape and torture of Hindu women and portrayed the entire violence
as the unilateral work of the Muslims. Poddar in his articles exhorted
Hindus to form self-defence squads, justified Hindu violence as having been
in retaliation to violence committed by Muslims, criticized Mahatma Gandhi
for his visit to Noakhali as well as his campaign for temple entry for
‘harijans’, removal of untouchability and inter-caste marriages, praised
RSS and wrote a twelve-point template for the Hindu majority independent
India. The June 1947 issue of Kalyan carried Golwalkar’s article mocking
Hindu-Muslim unity endeavours. Such was the closeness of Poddar with the
RSS chief that “Poddar incidentally, presided over the reception held for
Golwalkar in the Town Hall of Banaras in 1949, on his release after being
arrested for his alleged involvement in Gandhi assassination.” (pg.183)



Reacting to a November 1946 article written by Poddar about the Calcutta
violence on and after the Direct Action day called by Muslim league (16
August, 1946), “some of Poddar’s friends from Calcutta pointed out that
many of the incidents of violence mentioned in the article had not taken
place.” (pg.236) The December 1946 issue carrying an inflammatory article
titled “Hindu Kya Karen” (What Should the Hindus Do?) and the “Malviya Ank”
(Malviya issue, also published in December) got banned by the governments
of UP and Bihar. But lakhs of copies of ‘Hindu Kya Karen’ had already been
circulated as a separate pamphlet published by Gita Press by then.



A stout defence of the four varnas, four ashramas and concepts of purity
and pollution, complete ‘othering’ of Muslims painting them as barbarians,
hostile opposition to Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill, comparing it with
Muslim Law and citing the legislation as an instance of Muslim assault on
their domestic domain, opposing inter-caste and same-gotra marriages,
defining Hindi as language of Hindus and opposing the concept of
Hindustani, leading the politics of cow protection from the front,
colluding with VHP against the  Christian missionaries, vilification of
communism and secularism, active involvement in the Ram Janmabhoomi and
Krishna Janmabhoomi campaigns and indirect electoral support to the
Hindutva forces mark the political-ideological journey of Kalyan and Gita
press establishment.



Mukul’s work also details the fashioning of the moral universe of Gita
Press, which sought to ‘preserve the purity of women’ through strict
regulation of their sexual life, prescribed dress codes and duties of women
towards husband, family and the male child, opposed women’s emancipation as
a cause of moral decay, opposed widow remarriage, exhorted women to confine
themselves to the roles of wives and mothers, resisted birth control and
abortion as part of an Islamophobic paranoia about rising Muslim
population, and prepared elaborate literature to guide the religious and
moral education of women on the lines of sanatana dharma. Despite Poddar’s
dexterity in bringing together people of divergent view-points to write in
‘Kalyan’ – as long as their voice ‘might fit some aspect of the well
designed template’ - the ‘Kalyan’ did not welcome any dissenting voice on
the woman question. “…The two leading women writers in Hindi of that period
- Subhadra Kumari Chauhan and Mahadevi Varma - do not find place in the
journal, either as role models or as contributors.” (Pg. 390) All that we
see in today’s India - the moral policing, the honour killings, the call to
Hindu women to produce 10 children each and a lot more reflects the world
of the Gita Press’s imagination.



Mukul has surveyed and analysed the copious literature published by the
Gita Press which reached millions of homes through many generations for the
last eight decades. Earlier, a general perception about Gita Press was that
it popularised the Gita, Ramcharitmanas, Mahabharata, Ramayan, Puranas,
Upanishads  and Dharmashastras among the masses, but Mukul’s thorough
research and sharp analysis of the content of Kalyan and ‘Kalyan-Kalptaru’,
especially their special issues such as Manas Ank (on thought), Gau Ank
(cow), Nari Ank (women), Hindu Sanskriti Ank (Hindu culture), Balak Ank
(children), Shiksha Ank (education), Bhakti Ank (devotion), Upasana Ank
(worship), Dharma Ank (religion), Parlok Aur Punarjanma Ank (heaven and
rebirth), Sadachar Ank (good conduct) etc brings out in bold relief the
politics of religion and Hindutva ideology shaped by the Gita Press
establishment through generations. The two chapters ‘Foot Soldier of Sangh
Parivar’ and ‘Religion as Politics, Politics of Religion’ concentrate
mainly on this aspect of the Gita Press phenomenon. Mukul has convincingly
demonstrated that the re-invented ‘Sanatana Dharma’ is the core
philosophical foundation on which the entire architecture of ‘Hindutva’
politics rests. This may explain why rationalists like Dabholkar, Pansaare
and Kalburgi were considered threats by these forces and killed.



The author has dwelt in considerable detail on each and every aspect of the
Gita Press enterprise - its finances, activities in social services, allied
activities such as production of handlooms and footwear, labor unrest,
editorial policy, special issues of the twin magazines, inter-personal
relationships among the major actors, occasional scandals, property
disputes and so on.



The book is a must-read for all who wish to understand the
historical-discursive background of the rampant hate crimes witnessed in
contemporary India, especially under the present Modi-led NDA regime.



Published by

*Liberation*

*[The Central Organ of CPIML]*

*November 2015*

** * * * **

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