http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/toi-edit-page/assams-minority-report-as-the-state-readies-for-polls-it-would-be-dangerous-to-abuse-the-highly-emotive-bangladeshi-card/

Assam’s minority report: As the state readies for polls, it would be
dangerous to abuse the highly emotive ‘Bangladeshi’ card
January 12, 2016, 12:02 AM IST
Sanjoy Hazarika in TOI Edit Page

For five hours, the body of the 15-year-old girl hung on the barbed
wire fence, blood streaking her clothes in the January chill, her hair
hanging down in a macabre flow. She was shot while climbing over from
the Indian side in West Bengal to Bangladesh and was going for her own
wedding. Her father had managed to get over unscathed but the child,
whose name was Felanee did not make it. That was in 2011. That Felanee
was Bangladeshi was uncontested but the killing of an unarmed child
sparked a furious outcry against shootings of civilians by BSF on the
international boundary.

As a result of this incident, Indian border patrols were instructed
not to fire live ammunition on suspected intruders (mind you, BSF
failed to tackle the real infiltrators, those of armed groups who had
skipped across for years, creating mayhem, until the Bangladesh
government cracked down and handed over Ulfa, NDFB and Manipuri
insurgent leaders to India). Nearly 1,000 persons had been killed in a
10 year period or one death every four days.
Those who died included Bangladeshis and Indians, cattle rustlers,
petty criminals as well as people who were shot while going about
their daily business. Cattle smuggling is a major business along the
border; so is human trafficking. Criminal gangs which flourish on
either side of the border are unlikely to do so without official
connivance.

Illegal/informal migration from Bangladesh into India is substantial
but there are other interlocking issues. I will focus on two here. One
is the scale of the migration – most of the figures I have seen are
simply assertions and ‘analysis’ based on assumptions. The other is
the impact that such perceptions are having not just in eastern India,
especially in Assam and West Bengal, but also across the country, with
antipathy growing against Muslims of Bangla origin.

The latter is important especially as Assam is going to the polls in a
few months. There appear to be few issues, barring the anti-incumbency
factor against the Tarun Gogoi government. That is why one must be
extremely careful that the highly emotive ‘Bangladeshi’ card is not
used as a weapon of rhetoric.

As far as numbers are concerned, the truth is that decades after the
‘Bangladeshi’ campaign began in the late 1970s, few have been detected
and deported despite many promises. Not even the Centre has a clear
idea of how many illegal migrants are in India, not just Assam. For
years there has been a sense of fatigue on the issue in Assam.

Thus, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi correctly chose statesmanship
over local politics by settling the IndoBangladesh land boundary
issue, a problem that had been unresolved for decades, he piquantly
created a challenge for the Assam unit of his own party which had
opposed the deal, claiming it would increase illegal migration.

Such complexity is deepened by sweeping media reports which posit a
future where ‘Bangladeshi Muslims’ will be a majority in the state and
ignore the fact that it has three major groups of Muslims: Assamese
speaking Muslims whose ancestors go back to the 13th century, Muslims
of Bangla origin, many of whose ancestors came over 100 years ago, and
the post-1971 Bangladeshi Muslims. Indeed, this last point is also
conveniently forgotten: those who moved from East Pakistan before
1971are not Bangladeshis.

Also ignored is that there is a high fertility and birth rate among
Muslims groups in western Assam where large families are the norm.
This is a key factor in demographics – especially if one considers the
fact that Assam has smaller border with Bangladesh than Meghalaya,
Tripura, Mizoram or West Bengal!

There is hostility to in-migration in Assam and the northeast. Most
migrants – as the recent movement from Syria shows – seek safe havens.
In addition to that, there is greater economic security as
Bangladesh’s economy has grown to a near middle economy, making risky
out-migration less attractive.

The combination of selective facts, selective memory and rhetoric can
be a deadly combination as seen in 2012 after incidents in western
Assam where both Bodos and Muslims were victims. Hate mongering
triggered an exodus of lakhs of workers from the region, from places
such as Bengaluru. Few locally there would make the distinction
between a Bodo, a Naga, a Sikkimese or a Mizo. The ‘northeast’ is
lumped together.

What happened in February 1983 should suffice as adequate warning
about the vulnerability of this complex area: Over 36 years ago, Aasu
launched a powerful anti-immigrant movement that brought successive
state governments to their knees, stalled the economy, shut down
educational institutions and markets and even blocked oil
transportation; in February 1983, the central government forced an
election in the state, in the teeth of opposition from Aasu and other
anti-immigrant groups. In the ensuing violence, thousands were killed
– no one still knows the final toll, but it is said to be well above
3,000 – including Muslims of Bengali origin, members of tribal groups,
Assamese and other ethnics.

The worst massacre was at Nellie, which i covered as a young reporter,
in which nearly 2,000 Muslim men, women and children were killed. The
sight of hundreds of corpses, of infants, women, old men, huddled on
dry rice fields are images which i can never forget. Those who died
were certainly not Bangladeshis and had lived there for generations.
Their survivors struggle futilely to get justice for the murdered and
maimed.

DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author's own.

Author
Sanjoy Hazarika
The writer is director of the Centre for North East Studies and Policy
Research, Jamia Millia Islamia.

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Peace Is Doable

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