http://scroll.in/article/802907/banning-release-of-the-godse-book-in-goa-was-an-act-of-censorship-and-intolerance
[One has only to think of how difficult it is to speak up in Israel
today (Amos Oz), or the Soviet Union of yesterday (Andrei Sakharov),
or the USA now (Noam Chomsky) or the India of the present (Dabholkar,
Pansare, and Kalburgi) and one gets a sense of the moral and epistemic
challenges that individuals, who have held up the mirror, have
courageously faced. Deceits – like the eutrophication of the Dal lake
in Srinagar - have a way of taking over our public discourse. They
must be vigorously contested.
....
This does not mean that there should be no protest on the book. In
fact, the occasion of the book’s release was a great opportunity to
expose the chicanery of those who killed the Mahatma, their politics
of hate and upper caste bigotry. The supporters of a secular society
should have used the occasion to build a public debate on the
motivations of those who killed the Mahatma and who, when they did so,
left us, a young nation, morally orphaned. This comes across in the
article, by the renowned Odia poet Jayanta Mahapatra, titled “What
Gandhi Means to me”, where he talks about the hush that fell across
the nation when the news of his assassination was announced. From the
description, one gets a sense of a people wondering who will guide
them now. The campaigners against the book should have responded to
the cunning of those who deliberately booked the hall on his death
anniversary to release a book on Godse. They should have debated the
philosophy of the Hindu Mahasabha and its campaign against Gandhi.
Censorship was not the route to follow.]

OPINION
Banning release of the Godse book in Goa was an act of censorship and
intolerance

While protests against a book are legitimate, threats to censor
opinion one dislikes has no place in a constitutional democracy.

Peter Ronald deSouza  · Yesterday · 11:30 am

Holding a mirror to society is the primary task of a public
intellectual. Sometimes the reflection may not be pretty or what one
would want to see, for it may show the warts on one’s own face. This
is a hazard that we must live with because hiding the mirror is not an
option available to an intellectual. So she must hold up the mirror to
society and stop colluding with falsehood. She must speak up and tell
it as it is. This is her principal obligation. Doing so is risky in
times of social conflict but it is also necessary. ***One has only to
think of how difficult it is to speak up in Israel today (Amos Oz), or
the Soviet Union of yesterday (Andrei Sakharov), or the USA now (Noam
Chomsky) or the India of the present (Dabholkar, Pansare, and
Kalburgi) and one gets a sense of the moral and epistemic challenges
that individuals, who have held up the mirror, have courageously
faced. Deceits – like the eutrophication of the Dal lake in Srinagar -
have a way of taking over our public discourse. They must be
vigorously contested.*** [Emphasis added.]

One such deceit took place in Goa on January 30 on Gandhi’s death
anniversary. A book, Nathuram Godse: The story of an Assassin, written
by Ashok Anup Sardessai, was to be released that day in the presence
of Ashok Savarkar, the grand-nephew of Nathuram Godse and VD Savarkar.
The hall where the release was to take place was Ravindra Bhavan, a
cultural institution in Madgaon, run by Goa government. The Bhavan is
chaired by Damodar G Naik, a Bharatiya Janata Party leader from the
state. As was to be expected, there was a furore about the date chosen
for the release of the book. Groups threatened to disrupt the
function. They argued, even though they had not read the book, that
government premises could not be used to malign the Mahatma,
especially on his death anniversary. They saw this scheduling as
deliberate, as a political attempt by the Hindutva forces, who are
very active in Goa, to create a schism, particularly among the Hindu
community. They argued that it was another attempt to glorify Godse
and justify the heinous act of assassination. They saw a sinister
conspiracy by the BJP and the Sangh parivar to poison the climate of
communal harmony in Goa.

Under pressure from this negative publicity, the Goa government
directed the chairman of the Ravindra Bhavan to withdraw the
permission for the function. It was promptly withdrawn, even though
the function, according to the chairman, was booked according to
procedure. Secularists and rationalists celebrated this decision. Is
this really an occasion for celebration? How should one read this
episode within the larger national debate on intolerance?

Censorship and intolerance

Much as I dislike the idea of giving support to the cunning of the
organisers, to a politics I dislike, to me the answer is clear. The
function should have been allowed to be held. The author, in the
publicity material preceding the launch, argued that he was not
glorifying the assassination but only presenting the facts on the
hardships faced by Godse’s family, post assassination. For those of us
who know politics well, and who have studied the dynamics of the human
condition, it is obvious that the choice of date, the title of the
book, the motivations of the organisers, were not innocent. They were
intended to provoke, either to give publicity to the book or to offend
those of us who value the Mahatma dearly. But these motivations are
irrelevant to the issue of censorship and intolerance.

The protesters exhibited intolerance towards a position they did not
like. The ban was an act of censorship similar to the beef ban and
exhibited behaviour no different from those who have hurled slippers
at Taslima Nasreen, or those who vandalised the Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute. Threats to censor opinion one dislikes has no
place in a constitutional democracy. When the Hindutva forces do it,
we oppose them by invoking the sacred principle of free expression. On
the day the permission to release the book at Ravindra Bhavan was
withdrawn, the right to free expression suffered a major reverse.
Banning the event was not the answer. We became our opponents.

***This does not mean that there should be no protest on the book. In
fact, the occasion of the book’s release was a great opportunity to
expose the chicanery of those who killed the Mahatma, their politics
of hate and upper caste bigotry. The supporters of a secular society
should have used the occasion to build a public debate on the
motivations of those who killed the Mahatma and who, when they did so,
left us, a young nation, morally orphaned. This comes across in the
article, by the renowned Odia poet Jayanta Mahapatra, titled “What
Gandhi Means to me”, where he talks about the hush that fell across
the nation when the news of his assassination was announced. From the
description, one gets a sense of a people wondering who will guide
them now. The campaigners against the book should have responded to
the cunning of those who deliberately booked the hall on his death
anniversary to release a book on Godse. They should have debated the
philosophy of the Hindu Mahasabha and its campaign against Gandhi.
Censorship was not the route to follow.*** [Emphasis added.]

Patel-Mookerjee exchange

This exposure could have begun with the correspondence between Shyama
Prasad Mookerjee, the founder of the Jan Sangh, and Sardar Patel, the
Home Minister, on the question of the Mahatma’s assassination.
Mookerjee wrote to the Sardar on May 4, 1948 expressing his belief
that those “who are suspected of complicity in the outrage on Gandhiji
will no doubt be put on trial”. (Note his use of the word “outrage” to
describe the assassination). He was certain that Savarkar whose name
was “being mentioned in this connection” would be given a fair
hearing.

Sardar Patel, despite his anguish, remained committed to legal and
judicial propriety assuring Mookerjee, in his reply of May 6, 1948,
that he had instructed the investigators that “the question of
inclusion of Savarkar must be approached purely from a legal and
judicial standpoint and political consideration should not be imported
into the matter”. How many in power today can show the Sardar’s
commitment of an impartial legal and judicial process?

But the Sardar was not finished by just giving this assurance. He
wanted to take the debate to a higher moral plane. He went on to
state:

“...this is, of course, in so far as the question of guilt is
concerned from the point of view of law and justice. Morally, it is
possible that one’s conviction may be the other way about.”
For the Sardar, Savarkar was morally not innocent of the crime. Will
anyone today challenge this view of the Sardar? It is this last
sentence that carries the power and can be used against the organisers
of the release of the book who chose Gandhi’s death anniversary for
the release. They wanted to offend. We can see in this choice of date
a mindset that hated and vilified the greatest Indian of the modern
age. In booking the hall for January 30, they may have been
procedurally correct but they were morally perverse.

The letter of the Sardar goes on to reveal his anger when he observes:

“I agree with you that the Hindu Mahasabha, as an organisation, was
not concerned in the conspiracy that led to Gandhiji’s murder; but at
the same time, we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that an appreciable
number of the members of the Mahasabha gloated over the tragedy and
distributed sweets.”
Yes, gloated. Sweets distributed to celebrate the assassination while
the nation mourned. Just think about it celebrating the Mahatma’s
assassination with sweets. According to newspaper reports this was
done again on January 30, 2016 in Meerut by the same organisation.

Exposing this mindset and challenging this politics of hate is what
should have been done by those who oppose Godse and his idea of India.
We are today in an intense battle not just for the soul of India but
for minds especially of the young. On the one side is Gandhi and the
moral and political philosophy of ahimsa and satyagraha he stood for.
On the other side is Godse and his politics of hate. By preventing the
release of the book, we chose the wrong side.

A commitment to freedom of expression cannot be whimsical. It must be
near absolute. That is the only way forward for such a plural country.
The forces of censorship are on the rise in India today, driven
largely by the majoritarian politics of the parivar and by social
groups acting as censors. So AK Ramanujan’s essay on a 100 Ramayanas
gets banned as does Rohinton Mistry’s Such a Long Journey. We must be
wary of this. Our journey towards a society that protects the freedom
of expression is indeed such a long journey.

Peter Ronald deSouza is Professor at CSDS and holds the Dr S
Radhakrishnan Chair of the Rajya Sabha, 2015-17. The opinions
expressed here are personal.

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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