http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/feb/17/india-kanhaiya-kumar-watershed-freedom-intolerance-bjp-hindu

This is a watershed moment for India. It must choose freedom over intolerance
Priyamvada Gopal

Wednesday 17 February 2016 10.44 GMT

Jawaharlal Nehru University’s student union leader, Kanhaiya Kumar, is
escorted by police to court this week.
 Jawaharlal Nehru University’s student union leader, Kanhaiya Kumar,
is escorted by police to court this week. Photograph: Chandan
Khanna/AFP/Getty Images

The standoff at New Delhi’s famous Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)
that has transfixed India has nothing of the routine campus
controversy about it. Following the arrest of a student leader,
India’s Hindu nationalist BJP government now finds itself facing down
a large coalition of progressive groups laying claim to the idea of an
India where the right to dissent is foundational.


Protests to continue at Indian university after student leader's arrest
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The hardline home minister, Rajnath Singh, believes otherwise,
announcing that those who question India’s integrity “will not be
tolerated or spared”. Questioning the Indian state’s actions in places
such as Kashmir, in short, is strictly off menu. This face-off between
state repression and intellectual freedom, which has been some time in
the making, may well turn out to be a watershed moment for the
country.

A famously contentious campus synonymous in India with critical
thinking and vociferous debate, JNU has long been in the sights of the
Hindu right, many of whom want nothing more than for it to be shut
down. Its student union president, Kanhaiya Kumar, was arrested last
week in the wake of a public meeting held on the anniversary of the
controversial 2013 execution of Mohammed Afzal Guru, accused of the
2001 Indian parliament attack. After that meeting Kumar gave a
wide-ranging speech that was remarkable not for the “anti-nationalism”
with which he has been charged but for his impassioned insistence on
the need to uphold the Indian constitution.

The ferocity of his criticism was reserved for those who he said were
undermining this very constitution, the forces of Hindutva
(Hindu-ness) that form the backbone of the BJP government. “We don’t
need a patriotism certificate,” he said. “We love this country.” From
a poor, working-class background himself, Kumar noted: “We fight for
the 80% poor population of this country.” Addressing a topic all too
familiar to students in Britain, he also attacked government cuts to
higher education budgets and the steady decline of resources,
including financial support, available to students.

In a shocking move – police are not allowed on to Indian university
campuses without the permission of the vice-chancellor, precisely in
order to safeguard dissent – Kumar was arrested under one of India’s
many outdated pieces of legislation (which include, notoriously, a law
criminalising homosexuality). The “sedition” law, intended to prevent
anti-colonial resistance, prohibits inciting “disaffection” towards
the government, and many in India’s freedom struggle, including
Gandhi, were detained under its auspices. In recent years it has been
used liberally to constrain those who would challenge the
transgressions of the postcolonial state.

Kumar had noted correctly that the forces of “Hindu India” now most
vociferous in laying claim to true patriotism were not only notably
absent in the actual freedom struggle but were often to be seen
collaborating with the British. Subject now to open thuggery – as well
as state force, there have been astonishing scenes of lawyers beating
up JNU students in court – dissenters have been arrested or are being
hunted down. Students and teachers have responded by shutting down the
university, while normally cautious broadsheets are issuing unusually
critical editorials warning the government not to let events escalate.
Student unions across the country and from as far away as South Africa
have condemned the arrests, as have hundreds of academics from
Britain, the US and beyond.

So what is really at stake here? In short, it is a struggle between
those who would lay claim to India as a democratic, heterogeneous,
inclusive and at least incipiently egalitarian national project, and
those for whom nationalism has devolved into a lethal cocktail of
aggressive religious assertion and equally ferocious unbridled
capitalist growth, where neither the body count nor widening
inequality indices matter.

It is worth noting that this flashpoint has followed and is connected
to another equally important campus movement inspired by the death of
the Dalit scholar Rohit Vemula at the University of Hyderabad, who
killed himself: an event that has blown open India’s persistent and
disgraceful caste inequalities, with upper castes, much like the white
well-off of Britain, disproportionately dominating universities and
the media as well as lucrative corporate positions. To criticise the
Hindu nationalism that governs India today is also to note its roots
in the continued domination of Indian institutions by Brahmins and
other upper castes. This faultline is now more visible than ever, and
addressing it has become a matter of urgency.

For those committed to the idea of India as essentially a Hindu
country, which includes many in the government of the prime minister,
Narendra Modi, the list of potential “anti-nationals” appears to be
compendious. It seems to include everyone from Muslim, Dalit,
Christian, leftwing and liberal activists to those who question the
Indian state’s actions in Kashmir or suggest that religious
intolerance isn’t a good idea.

Until recently, this dispensation has had the benefit of an
acquiescent, even cheerleading media, but that may be changing. Today,
with journalists also facing down manhandling and violence from
government supporters, even as some of their more rabid colleagues
appear to be inciting it against JNU students, the situation reminds
many of the horrors of the 1975-77 state of emergency. Now, as then,
India is poised on the brink of a choice between the dangers of
authoritarianism and its historic commitment to dissent. It is
essential that the latter prevails.

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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