http://scroll.in/article/809726/by-visiting-the-tomb-of-the-unknowns-at-arlington-modi-crossed-a-sacred-line

MODI IN USA

By visiting the Tomb of the Unknowns at Arlington, Modi crossed a sacred line

No other Indian prime minister has directly paid their respects at a
memorial for US military personnel involved in the Vietnam War.

Yesterday · 02:30 pm
Updated Yesterday · 04:11 pm

Garga Chatterjee

Foreign visits by heads of state are important for their symbolism and
the signals they send. Hence, speeches are carefully worded and the
sites to visit are chosen tactically, keeping the PR value of such
symbolism and signalling in mind.

India’s prime minister kicked off his three-day US tour on Monday with
a visit to the Arlington National Cemetery, a United States military
cemetery in Arlington county, Virginia and laid a wreath at Tomb of
the Unknowns. This was no ordinary decision.

The Tomb of the Unknowns is dedicated to, among other US military
personnel, those part of the invasion of Vietnam whose remains are yet
unidentified.

The government of India had staunchly opposed the US invasion of
Vietnam, widely regarded as one of the most brutal and technologically
superior imperialist campaigns against the Vietnamese forces of
national liberation. The war (known in Vietnam as the Resistance War
against America) saw the US being politically and morally isolated at
home and abroad. By the end of the war, any reputation that the US
might have had as a force of intervention on the side of good lay in
tatters.

In fact, its later campaigns in Iraq were considered, within the US
military-political establishment, as a sign of recovery from the
Vietnam shock.

Former diplomat and astute external-affairs observer KC Singh pointed
out the significance of Modi’s wreath-laying in a series of tweets.

K. C. Singh ✔ @ambkcsingh
#Arlington Is Modi wreath-laying a strategic inflexion point in
Ind-#US relations? Nehru did in 1949 but during Cold War Indian PMs
didn't.
9:14 AM - 7 Jun 2016
  6 6 Retweets   5 5 likes

K. C. Singh ✔ @ambkcsingh
#Arlington IndiraGandhi's JFK grave wreath laying/1966 was a
political/emotional act. Modi's at tomb of unknown soldier is a
strategic one.
9:29 AM - 7 Jun 2016
  7 7 Retweets   3 3 likes

Though Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had also visited the Arlington
cemetery during her 1966 US visit, when the US invasion of Vietnam was
underway, she had laid a wreath at former US President John F
Kennedy’s memorial and crucially, not at the Tomb of the Unknowns.

In fact, prior to Modi, no prime minister of the Indian Union has ever
acted publicly in a manner that pays respect – in any way, directly or
indirectly – to US military personnel involved in the invasion of
Vietnam.

A departure

This week in Virginia, Modi crossed a sacred line.

Among the other sharp criticisms it invited, the Vietnam War had also
brought forth scores of charges of heinous war crimes against US
military personnel.

Right from the My Lai massacre, the Vietnam War saw the US military
and its allies allegedly carry out the mass murder of civilians,
organised gang-rapes at a mass scale, aerial bombing of large, densely
populated civilian population centres, burning and destruction of
whole villages, mass torture, murder of prisoners of war, loot, forced
labour and so on.

Thousands of US military combatants who allegedly perpetrated such
crimes or were witness to it suffered post-traumatic stress disorder.
Internal investigation by the Pentagon showed that there was a factual
basis to at least 320 such “alleged” incidents of war crimes.

The war crimes perpetrated on non-white people typically becomes a
statistic, but it is important to list the nature of some such events
in which the US military was specifically involved. The present-day US
Secretary of State, John Kerry, (akin to the Home Minister in
sub-continental parlance) testified before the US senate in 1971 as
follows:

“They told the stories of times that they had personally raped, cut
off the ears, cut off heads, taped wires from portable telephones to
human genitals and turned up the power, cut off limbs, blown up
bodies, randomly shot at civilians, razed villages in a fashion
reminiscent of Genghis Khan, shot cattle and dogs for fun, poisoned
food stocks and generally ravaged the countryside of South Vietnam in
addition to the normal ravage of war and the normal and very
particular ravaging which is done by the applied bombing power of this
country.”

The “country” in question was the US. Using its vastly superior aerial
power, its military, during the multi-decade South-East Asian
campaign, dropped more than three times the amount of explosives as
during the Second World War. I mention the Second World War for a
reason. Few foreign heads of state, if any, would publicly pay respect
at any memorial that included the German war criminals of the Second
World War. To this day, China protests every time Japan’s Prime
Minister pays homage to a shrine for fallen Japanese soldiers during
that War, because Japan’s military had committed a series of war
crimes during its invasion of China.

Why it's a problem

Those engaging in war crimes are war criminals. Paying respects at a
tomb that may potentially include many such individuals is an act that
may be justified by the emergent US-India strategic alliance optics of
the occasion, but not by any stretch of human ethics.

Later, in his address to a joint session of the US House of
Representatives, Modi proudly declared: “Our relationship has overcome
the hesitations of history.”

It is important to examine what those “hesitations” were about and
what the stance of the Indian Union’s citizens was towards them.

There was huge opposition to the Vietnam War among the citizens of the
Indian Union. Robert McNamara, the US secretary of defence under whom
America’s invasion and involvement in Vietnam was deepened and
escalated, wasn’t allowed to enter the city of Kolkata on November 20,
1968. He was blocked by a huge crowd of protesters surrounding the
DumDum airport when McNamara came visiting as the President of the
World Bank.

Slogans rang aloud in Bengal’s streets – tomar naam, amar naam,
Vietnam, Vietnam (your name, my name, Vietnam, Vietnam). The anger
went beyond Calcutta and its students and extended even to the
fishermen of rural Murshidabad.

Elsewhere in the Indian Union too, there were many Vietnam-solidarity
committees.

It is in the shadow of the Vietnam War and Cold War politics that the
US strategy towards arming Pakistan was devised during the Bangladesh
liberation struggle, resulting in another genocide. It is not
accidental that no prime minister post the Vietnam War, including Atal
Bihari Vajpayee, did what Modi has done. There was a domestic
constituency to think of.

A different optics mattered – not the optics of big-table camaraderie
of realpolitik without morals but that of how a brown republic’s prime
minister would be perceived if seen showing respect to the
perpetrators of war crimes on other coloured people resisting a
largely white foreign invading army.

At some level, that this hesitation has been overcome is a sad
commentary on the sacrifice of the moral compass at the altar of the
hunger for global supremacy by a nation-state home to the largest
number of hungry people in the world.
Poor reflection

Days before Modi's visit, Mohammad Ali died. At the peak of the
Vietnam War, the boxing legend and activist showed the courage of
refusing to be enlisted in the US Army, summarising the war as one in
which “the white man sent the black man to kill the yellow man”.

While his stance has come to be adulated in the wake of his death,
those in South Asia might do well to remember some facts.

Many of the regiments of the Indian Army, have historically done
exactly this. Before Partition, brown men enlisted in the then British
Indian Army gained valour and gallantry by suppressing rebellious
anti-British brown people or assisting British imperial expeditions
abroad – in other words, the white (British) man sent the brown
(British Indian Army) man to kill brown (in the subcontinent and in
West Asia), yellow (in China and elsewhere) and black (in Africa) men.

While the Pentagon at least engaged with the war crimes committed by
its forces in Vietnam, the British Indian Army or its successor, the
Indian Army, has not done so for its colonial-era crimes. One may
argue that the present Indian Army was formed on August 15, 1947
(strangely, with all ranks being maintained and those swearing
allegiance to British crown a day ago suddenly becoming loyal to the
government of India overnight) and is not accountable for actions done
before that.
However, the fact that so many of its regiments and formations to this
day proudly celebrate their pre-transfer-of-power Raising Day and
boast of the number of Victoria Cross awardees and retain pre-1947
mottos and war cries underlines the structural continuity.

The lack of hesitation on the part of Modi while laying a wreath at
the Tomb of the Unknowns is a sad commentary on the state of human
values in the Indian Union.
-- 
Peace Is Doable

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