I/II.
http://www.epw.in/journal/2016/24/editorials/lies-damn-lies-and-statistics.html

Lies, Damn Lies and Statistics

Editorials
Vol. 51, Issue No. 24, 11 Jun, 2016

The origin of this phrase is shrouded in mystery. American author Mark
Twain popularised it and attributed it to British Prime Minister
Benjamin Disraeli but the sentence, “There are three kinds of lies:
lies, damn lies and statistics,” cannot be found in any of Disraeli’s
works. In India too, what is put out by the government as figures of
rates of growth of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) has
become rather mysterious and confusing. Prime Minister Narendra Modi
and his cheerleaders have been shouting from the rooftops that this is
the fastest-growing major economy in the world, something we are all
supposed to be proud of. Truth be told, there are few who are euphoric
about the current state of the Indian economy. What is worse is that
analysts and commentators who have crunched the numbers put out by the
Central Statistics Office (CSO) have raised doubts about their
veracity. The rosy picture being sought to be portrayed by the
government’s spin doctors may end up harming its own interests;
reminiscent of how the “India Shining” campaign backfired on the
Bharatiya Janata Party government led by Atal Behari Vajpayee in 2004.

The latest estimates of the CSO indicate that India’s GDP in the
financial year that ended on 31 March 2016 stood at 7.6% (against 7.2%
in 2015–16) with an unexpected surge of 7.9% in the January–March 2016
quarter. Of the GDP growth of 7.6% in 2015–16, as much as 2.4
percentage points were accounted for under the head “discrepancies”
against 0.1 percentage points in the previous year. In other words, if
one excludes the discrepancies, the rates of growth of GDP would be
7.1% in 2014–15 and 5.2% in 2015–16—nothing to get particularly
excited about. Even if one concedes that discrepancies are inevitable
while compiling national accounts, especially when new and ostensibly
more “accurate” systems of statistics are being sought to be put in
place, there are a number of crucial questions that remain unanswered.

***Consider a few glaring anomalies in the GDP data. The manufacturing
sector has grown by 8.1% in current prices in 2015–16. Yet the index
of industrial production (IIP) for this period registered a rise of
2.4%. This has been a year when exports have declined continuously
month after month. One of the note­worthy changes made by the CSO in
its new methodology for calculating GDP relates to the use of data on
company finances using the e-governance initiative database of the
Ministry of Corporate Affairs (MCA 21) that has been used to
supplement the information in the Annual Survey of Industries. This
had radically altered the growth numbers for the manufacturing sector.
For instance, the old series reported 1.1% growth in manufacturing in
2012–13 which gets pushed up to 6.2% using the new method. The
comparable figures for 2013–14 have gone up from (-)0.7% to 5.3%. For
the last two full years for which data has been compiled, while the
IIP has reportedly grown by 2.8% in 2014–15 and 2.4% in 2015–16, the
new national income data (at 2011–12 prices) places these figures at
5.5% and 9.5% respectively. The government has claimed that better
coverage of manufacturing data of small and medium enterprises and
superior estimates of value addition have been captured in the new
methodology of calculating GDP but independent experts are far from
convinced by such explanations of the huge rise in growth rates.***
[Emphasis added.]

***The CSO keeps updating and revising its data. It starts with
putting out advanced estimates which become provisional estimates (PE)
which, in turn, become revised estimates (RE) that are also changed
more than once before the final figures are arrived at. If one
compares apples with apples and not with oranges, the story is quite
different from what the government would want us to believe. For
instance, the latest PE of GDP growth in 2015–16 has been put at 7.6%
over the first RE of 2014–15. If, however, we compare PE of 2015–16
with PE of 2014–15, the GDP growth figure comes down to a less
impressive 6.6%. If we compare the PE of the real GDP growth figure
for the fourth quarter of 2015–16 with the corresponding quarter’s PE
in 2014–15, the proportion plummets from 7.9% to only 4.8%.***
[Emphasis added.]

There are other misgivings about the CSO’s data. If the government is
serious about allaying the apprehensions of many experts, it should
appoint an independent committee of experts to examine the new
methodology. It is just not analysts and observers who have expressed
doubts about the numbers put out by the CSO. In the past, the governor
of the Reserve Bank of India as well as the chief economic adviser in
the Ministry of Finance have acknowledged that they have doubts about
the veracity of the data. Window dressing may yield short-term
political benefits. But the damage that fudged figures can cause to
the credibility and the image of the government is potentially huge.

The Economic & Political Weekly (EPW) has published a number of
articles on this topic over the last several months. In fact, EPW has
been in the forefront questioning the veracity of government data on
the country’s national accounts. Way back in 1972, the finance
minister of West Bengal Ashok Mitra had written in this publication a
column titled “The New Obfuscators” in which he had compared the
Brahmins of yesteryear to today’s economists. The former used to act
as a buffer between the king and the masses to tell them that things
are not all that bad. Particular government economists and
statisticians have become modern-day spin doctors who, unlike the
Brahmins of medieval times, want us to believe the economy is doing
much better than it actually is, in order to please their political
masters. But in playing along with the sycophants of the ruling
regime, they end up fooling only the gullible few.

II.
http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/across-the-aisle-gross-domestic-product-or-puzzle-2847873/

Across the aisle: Gross domestic product or puzzle?

The GDP growth number is an approximation of the underlying economic
activity. Many economic decisions of the government and private
investors are based on that number.

Written by P Chidambaram | Published:June 12, 2016 12:00 am

It was good that Dr Raghuram Rajan, Governor, RBI, has cleared some of
the mist — and myth — surrounding the GDP numbers. He gave two simple
examples:

* First example: ‘Exports minus imports’ is a contributory factor to
GDP. Exports declined in 2015-16, but imports declined even more. So,
‘exports minus imports’ in 2015-16 was greater than ‘exports minus
imports’ in 2014-15. That means growth, contributing to the GDP number
(in current prices)!

* Second example: ‘Sales minus input costs’ is another contributory
factor to GDP. Sales of all manufacturing firms declined by 9.02 per
cent in 2015-16 over the previous year, but input costs declined more
sharply (18.42 per cent), thanks to the steep fall in oil and
commodity prices. Consequently, ‘sales minus input costs’ was greater
in 2015-16 than in 2014-15. Result is growth!

Output declines, growth rises!
In both cases, there was no increase in output. Exporters exported
less, factories produced less, firms had lower turnovers, there was
little or no additional employment, and yet the sectoral ‘growth’
figures of the export sector and the manufacturing sector were
positive, leading to the illusion that export and manufacturing
sectors had ‘grown’ at a brisk pace. (Here, I assume that productivity
remained constant.) Since the two sectors contributed significantly to
the overall GDP number, the GDP number got a boost.

The steep decline in oil and commodity prices is a new phenomenon and
I think the CSO is not equipped to construct credible growth numbers
in such a situation. The disconnect between the numbers and the
reality on the ground is very evident. No amount of rationalisation
can change the reality that is felt every day by the citizens — CPI
inflation upwards of 5 per cent, no new visible investment and no
additional jobs on offer. The average person is therefore stunned when
he is told that the GDP had grown at 7.6 per cent.

We get a more realistic picture of the economy if we look at the
output numbers. Of the eight core industries, coal, refinery products,
fertilisers, cement and electricity produced more in 2015-16 while
crude oil, natural gas and steel produced less than in the previous
year. The growth in the Index of Industrial Production of the eight
core industries in 2015-16 was only 2.67 per cent. Nevertheless, the
CSO reported high growth in the three sectors (that encompass the
eight industries), namely, mining and quarrying (7.44 per cent),
manufacturing (9.29) and electricity and gas (6.57)!

Deficiencies in methodology
Ever since the CSO moved to the new method of calculation, there has
been growing scepticism. Analysts have pointed to several aspects of
the new methodology that are suspect. One of the main deficiencies was
the choice of deflators. Gross value additions (GVA) are measured in
current prices but in order to make them comparable with measurements
based on prices in the base year (2011-12), one must ‘deflate’ them
with an appropriate deflator. In the cases of ‘trade, hotels,
transport, communication etc’ and ‘financial, real estate and
professional services’, the GVA at current prices was 6.6 per cent and
7.4 per cent respectively. The CSO applied negative deflators and
reported a growth rate of 9.0 per cent and 10.3 per cent respectively.
When the 12-month average of CPI inflation in 2015-16 was 4.9 per
cent, it is difficult to believe that inflation in these two sectors
was negative! There has been no convincing explanation why negative
deflators were chosen for these two service sectors.

The second deficiency was the use of the MCA21 database. It has been
admitted that the database requires to be stabilised. We also know,
anecdotally, that small and medium firms find it difficult to report
the data about their firms periodically in the new format. Besides the
MCA21 database has been shared only with the CSO, and no one has been
able to verify the correctness of the data.

The GDP growth number is an approximation of the underlying economic
activity. Many economic decisions of the government and private
investors are based on that number. My analysis leads to the
conclusion that the GDP number is not ‘as accurate as possible’ and
certainly does not inspire confidence. Some corrections are therefore
in order.

Corrections needed
The first correction must be to identify industries and sectors where
quantitative output had declined in 2015-16 over 2014-15 (productivity
assumed as constant) and assume that growth in such industry/sector
was zero. Examples would be exports, crude oil, natural gas and steel.

The second correction would be to re-visit the deflators that were
used. There is a huge divergence between WPI inflation and CPI
inflation. It makes no sense to use negative deflators for sectors
(especially services) where oil and commodity prices have no role to
play and where consumer prices have, in fact, increased.

The third correction is to reconstruct the GDP numbers using the old,
conventional data and release them alongside the numbers using the
MCA21 database until the MCA21 database is believed to have been
stabilised.

Finally, there is no harm in publishing, at least for a few years, GDP
numbers using the old method and the new method. The CSO should
complete the following table and restore credibility to the whole
exercise:

My guess is that the the number for each of the question mark-years
would be between 5 and 5.5 per cent.
-- 
Peace Is Doable

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