http://www.thecitizen.in/index.php/NewsDetail/index/1/9151/Demonetization-Witless-and-Anti-

Wednesday, November 09, 2016

Demonetization: Witless and Anti-People
PRABHAT PATNAIK

Wednesday, November 09,2016

NEW DELHI: Narendra Modi went on national television at 8 p.m. on
November 8 to announce that from midnight of that very date, i.e. in a
mere four hours’ time, 500 and 1000 rupee notes would cease to be
legal-tender.

The justification advanced for this bizarre move was that it would
strike at “black money”. An additional argument was thrown in, to the
effect that fake currency notes used by “terrorists” would now cease
to be effective, and some particularly enthusiastic supporters of the
government even went to the extent of calling it a “surgical strike
against terrorism”.

I shall come to the fake currency issue later. Let me first look at
the “black money” argument which even President Pranab Mukherjee has
gone out of his way to endorse. This argument, namely that the
demonetization of 500 and 1000 rupee notes constitutes an attack on
“black money”, is based on an utter lack of understanding of the
nature of “black money,” a conception of it that is staggering in its
simple-mindedness.

The implicit understanding is that “black money” consists of hoards of
cash which are held in trunks or pillowcases or buried under the
earth. With this understanding, it is then suggested that if 500 and
1000 rupee notes are demonetized, then people going to banks to
exchange large amounts of old notes for the new legal tender would
make the banks suspicious; and banks in turn would convey their
suspicions to the tax authorities who would then catch the culprits.
“Black money” would thus get exposed, and this would discourage
further transgressions in future.

Now, the second part of this argument, even assuming that “black
money” actually consists of cash-hoards, makes little sense. If a
person possesses, say, unaccounted money of Rs.20 crores, and that too
in 500 and 1000 rupee notes, then such a person will certainly not
come with the entire Rs.20 crores to a bank to change it into the new
legal-tender (he will not be allowed to do so anyway); he would rather
send several factotums to the bank, each carrying a small amount, and
would do so over a number of days prior to the December 30 deadline.

In fact even this prolonged effort would be unnecessary, since all
sorts of intermediaries would come up fairly soon who would do this
job of exchanging old notes for new ones on behalf of customers for a
consideration. With such “black operators”, exchanging “black money”
from the old legal tender to the new legal tender, the idea, mooted by
“experts” on several TV channels, that demonetizing 500 and 1000 rupee
notes would unearth illegal cash-hoards makes little sense.

More importantly, however, this very conception of “black money” is
absurd. Indeed the term “black money” itself is a misnomer, since it
conjures up the image of a stock of money which is supposed to be held
not openly, in the form of bank deposits, but clandestinely in the
form of currency notes, and that too in pillowcases or in containers
buried in the earth.

Actually when we talk of “black money” we have in mind a whole set of
activities which are either entirely illegal, such as smuggling, or
drug-running, or procuring arms for terrorist organizations, or are
undertaken in excess of what is legally permitted, or are not declared
at all so that taxes are not paid on them.

If 100 tonnes of minerals are extracted but only 80 tonnes are
declared to be extracted, in order to reduce tax payment, then we have
a case of “black money” being generated. Likewise, if $100 of exports
are undertaken but only $80 are declared, and the remainder $20 are
kept abroad in Swiss Banks, which is against the law, then we have a
case of “black money” being generated. Or if rupees are changed into
foreign exchange through the hawala route and kept as deposits abroad,
then we have a case of “black money” being generated. In short, “black
money” refers to a whole set of undeclared activities.

“Black money”, it follows, refers not to a stock but to a flow. ”Black
activities”, like “white activities”, are meant to earn profits for
those engaged in them; and simply keeping a hoard of money earns no
profits. What Marx had said about business activities also holds about
“black activities”, namely that profits are earned not by hoarding
money but by throwing it into circulation; the “miser” does the
former, the capitalist the latter. And those engaged in “black
activities” are capitalists not misers.

Of course, in any business money is also held for a shorter or longer
period (e.g. during the C-M-C circuit); but this is true as much for
“white activities” as for “black activities”, so that the belief that
the differentia specifica of “black money” is that it is held while
“white money” is used for circulation, is completely without any
basis. All money circulates, with occasional pauses when it is held,
whether it is employed in “black activities” or “white activities”.
The essence of unearthing “black money” lies therefore in tracking
down “black activities”, not in attacking money-holdings per se. And
this requires honest, systematic, and painstaking investigation.

Long before the days of computers, the British Internal Revenue
Service had earned the reputation that it would eventually catch up
with any tax defaulter simply through a process of grinding and
meticulous investigation. True, Britain is a small country compared to
India, but that only means that the size of the tax administering
personnel has to be larger, tailored to the needs of the country; and
if this is done, then unearthing “black money”, at least in the
domestic economy, is merely a matter of patient and efficient tax
administration.

A sizeable portion of “black activities”, however, is operated through
banks located abroad; indeed some would say that this constitutes much
the larger portion. Narendra Modi himself before his election had
talked of “bringing back” the “black money” stashed abroad, suggesting
that the bulk of “black money” was located abroad, even though his
remark displayed the same naïve understanding that “black money”
referred to a hoard rather than to a range of activities. But if
foreign banks constitute the predominant source of funding “black
activities”, then the demonetization of 500 and 1000 rupee notes,
while causing much hardship to ordinary people, will do little to
eliminate such activities.

This is not the first time that such demonetization of currency notes
has occurred in India. In January 1946, the 1000 and 10000 rupee notes
were demonetized; and in 1978 the Morarji Desai government had
demonetized 1000, 5000 and 10000 rupee notes from the midnight of
January 16. But even in 1978, let alone in 1946, this had caused no
hardships for the ordinary people, since most of them had scarcely
ever seen such a note, let alone possess one. (Even in 1978 Rs.1000
was a lot of money and common people hardly saw notes of 1000-rupee
denomination). But that move of the Morarji Desai government, even
though it did not impinge on common people, did not end the scourge of
“black money” either. The Modi government’s move, while equally
ineffective in countering “black money”, has the added flaw of
impinging severely on common people.

Some have argued that, whether or not the demonetization of 500 and
1000 rupee notes itself has the effect of countering “black money”, it
represents a long-term move away from a cash-using economy, and
amounts in that sense to a restraint on unaccounted activities that
are typically not financed through recognized institutional channels.
But quite apart from the fact that “black activities” financed through
foreign banks will still escape detection in a cashless India, the
very idea of a cashless India represents a pipedream of a segment of
the elite, which is totally unaware of the difficulty that a common
person faces in obtaining a credit card, or even opening a bank
account (despite Modi’s loud boasts about expanding people’s
bankability). The move towards a cashless economy, while not being
realized, will simply become an additional means through which the
common people will get squeezed.

But, what about the other argument that such demonetization acts
against terrorism by preventing the circulation of fake currency notes
printed “across the border”? This argument hinges crucially on the
assumption that the technology employed in printing the new legal
tender will prevent any possibility of faking it. Let us accept that
assumption. Even so, the introduction of such new legal tender which
cannot be faked, at the expense of the existing legal tender, could
have been effected in a gradual and altogether unobtrusive manner,
exactly as the introduction of new currency notes in lieu of the old
ones is routinely effected.

It is not as if the government was expecting an avalanche of fake
notes on the night of November 8; why could it not have avoided the
sudden, surprising, and massive attack on the security and convenience
of the people that it launched on the night of November 8?

What the Modi government has done is unprecedented in the history of
modern India. Even the colonial government had shown greater
sensitivity to the convenience of the people than the Modi government
has done by demonetizing only those notes which were possessed by the
super-rich and not those possessed by the people at large. This
“emergency measure”, however, is in line with the numerous other
measures being currently pursued by the Modi government which has
embarked on an undeclared “Emergency”: it is as fatuous as it is
against the people.

( Professor Prabhat Patnaik is a reputed economist and scholar. He is
Professor Emeritus at Jawaharlal Nehru University and author of
several books including The Value of Money, The Retreat to Unfreedom,
A Theory of Imperialism(co-author Utsa Patnaik))


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