http://scroll.in/article/821105/modis-move-to-scrap-high-denomination-notes-is-more-about-politics-than-economics

NOTE DEMONETISATION

Is Modi’s move to scrap high-denomination notes more about politics
than economics?

Economic theory offers little or no guidance as to the impact such an
action would have.

Image credit:  Punit Paranjpe/AFP

Yesterday · 03:30 pm
Updated Yesterday · 08:34 pm

Sanjay G Reddy

The Indian government's decision to abolish high denomination notes of
Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 has been given two primary rationales. The first
is to address a problem of counterfeiting, suggested to emanate from
across the border, and the second is to address the problem of
ill-gotten gains resulting from corruption or tax evasion. The
dramatic nature of the announcement on Tuesday evening, giving rise to
an appearance of determination and decisiveness in government, and the
claim that social goals are being pursued, appear to have generated
initial support for the action (such as on social media). However, how
wise an approach to addressing these problems is it?

Fundamentally, the abolition of high-value notes involves the
application of a blunt instrument of uncertain value. Economic theory
offers little or no guidance as to the impact such an action would
have, and effects on the proclaimed goals could be counter-productive,
with some groups being harmed for no fault of theirs, while
undermining the ultimate promise of governmentally issued money that
it is a reliable medium of transactions and source of value. It is far
from clear to what extent the government’s decision was based on a
careful study weighing the consequences.

Consider the idea that foreign terrorists use counterfeit cash to
finance their operations. If they can bring in counterfeit cash, then
do they not also have access to foreign currency and hawala methods to
transmit resources from abroad, or indeed smuggle them outright and
exchange these in the black market within the country? What about the
idea that counterfeit notes are being systematically and intentionally
used to destabilise the national economy? There is nothing to stop
currency notes in circulation being gradually, or indeed rapidly,
replaced through central bank operations, as routinely and continually
done in all countries to substitute for ageing banknotes.

What of the idea that the elimination of high-value notes will make it
harder for officials and politicians to engage in corrupt acts, or for
citizens to engage in tax evasion? Corrupt acts are of innumerable
types and the quid-pro-quo can take the form, depending on the size
and nature of the corruption involved, of delivery of in kind
benefits, transfers of title, or indeed payment in precious metals,
larger numbers of small-denomination notes, the new high-denomination
notes to be introduced, foreign currency or crypto-currencies,
especially if willing intermediaries and aides can be found. No one
who has experienced or studied the creative character of corruption in
India and worldwide should doubt the ability of the interested parties
to find such workarounds.

A technofix is no substitute for multi-pronged solutions to complex
institutional and social problems. Although there has been a move
elsewhere in the world to eliminate high-value notes because of their
use in criminal activities, notably in Europe where the European
Central Bank has prominently pushed for such a measure, it has been
resisted in Germany and in other eurozone countries, where cash plays
a very large legitimate role in transactions on the part of a
credit-shy and anonymity valuing public. By introducing a new Rs 2,000
note the government has in any case muddled its message. Will the move
either punish previous wrongdoers or prevent future wrongdoing? It is
unlikely to do the former because cash proceeds of corruption are
likely for the most part to have been redirected into assets of one
kind or another. To the extent they have not been, it is plausible
that intermediaries will be found to funnel the resources into new
banknotes, for a fee. It is unlikely to do the latter both because
other routes will be found for transactions and because, to the extent
it reduces the wealth of the corrupt, it may even provide a spur to
further corrupt activity to make up the losses.

Distributive consequences
What of the distributive consequences? In a country as diverse,
complex and uneven as India (features readily forgotten in today’s
media-driven universe), it is wholly probable that some will hear the
message too late, not know how to go about making exchanges, or not
have the required forms of identification or bank accounts for
exchanging more than the still-modest maximum of Rs 4,000. If they
must rely on intermediaries, they will pay direct and indirect costs,
and even risk losing all of their cash. Such difficulties are likely
to be faced especially in the rural sector, among the socially
vulnerable, and the illiterate. The effect on the holdings of the
elderly and women who are less likely to be able to engage in direct
transactions with banks, may be sizable, but there is little basis to
know what it will be. One wonders if the RBI made the requisite
studies and what role they played in the decision to proceed. The
costs of the exercise in terms of the time of bankers and citizens is
likely moreover to be enormous. Is a cavalier attitude toward their
time that of an India "open for business"?The likely impact on
aggregate demand of the destruction of wealth may have been judged
small, but is in fact unknowable.

One is left with the feeling that this episode is, quite apart from
any sectional political calculations which might be involved,
motivated by the desire to create a high level of political
mobilisation – the nation as a daily plebiscite – in which everyone
who exchanges cash will participate, indirectly bowing down before,
and affirming, the narrative of the government. One can only hope that
enough of them will, as they have before, despite the unthinking
plaudits, maintain enough independence of thought to raise the
essential questions.

Sanjay G. Reddy is an Associate Professor of Economics at The New
School for Social Research.


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