---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: john hallam <[email protected]>
Date: Sun, 27 Nov 2016 17:20:06 +1100
Subject: Presidential Command and Control in the Age of Trump

Presidential Command and Control in the Age of Trump

http://www.armscontrolwonk.com/archive/1202204/presidential-command-and-control-in-the-age-of-trump/

by Joshua Pollack | November 26, 2016 | No Comments

The outcome of the U.S. presidential election has filled many
Americans, and people around the world, with bewilderment and dread.
How did we get here? Where are we going? How seriously should we take
President-elect Trump’s promises?

Let’s remember! At various points during the campaign, candidate
Trump’s promises included a campaign of millions of deportations,
barring all Muslims from the United States, employing tortures worse
than waterboarding, the rapid dismantling of health insurance for
millions of Americans, cracking down on the press through loosened
libel laws, wielding antitrust laws against the unrelated business
interests of a man whose newspaper he dislikes, and appointing a
special prosecutor to hound his vanquished opponent. And then there’s
his frank attitude about turning high office into just another
opportunity for turning profits (“the president can’t have a conflict
of interest“). Having voted in The Donald with open eyes, America owes
Dick Nixon an apology.

If a fraction of these assaults on our society and constitutional
order come to pass, changes in foreign and defense policy might not
seem like a big deal by comparison. But this is ArmsControlWonk.com,
so let’s talk about the Bomb.

Much has already been said about the possible implications for fate of
the Iran deal, North Korea policy, nuclear modernization, extended
deterrence, and bilateral arms control with Russia. Honestly, who
knows what will happen? The informed commentary mostly boils down to
the adage “personnel is policy,” and we still don’t have any clear
idea of who will run the many relevant offices in the Departments of
State, Defense, and Energy. Why bother adding to the speculation?

There’s just one area where we do know exactly who will make the
decisions, and that is the employment of nuclear weapons. This duty
will fall to one Donald J. Trump of New York.

That’s a hard pill to swallow. During the campaign, Trump showed
himself to be impulsive, prickly, vengeful, ignorant… in brief,
ill-qualified for the job of commander-in-chief by any ordinary
measure. As Alex Wellerstein, among others, notes, it’s been hard for
many people to accept that President Trump, like any other American
president, will indeed have the exclusive and unappealable authority
to employ nuclear weapons – at any time and in a matter of minutes. No
checks, no balances. None at all. None.

With hindsight, the last time America had a President with an equally
worrisome psychological profile, his name was Richard M. Nixon. (For a
critical look at the mind-of-Nixon literature, see chapter 6 of Rose
McDermott’s fascinating and disturbing book Presidential Leadership,
Illness and Decision Making.) Nixon, perhaps somewhat like Trump,
seemed driven by an enduring sense of humiliation and was inclined to
vindictiveness. He appealed to Americans’ fears of disorder, did not
shrink from commanding violence, and saw unpredictability as a
strength. As it turns out, Nixon sometimes proposed nuclear attacks on
the spur on the moment when challenged by the North Koreans or
Vietnamese. Some accounts connect these episodes to the president’s
heavy drinking.

Exclusive presidential command and control of nuclear weapons is a
well-established tradition, although not always a hard-and-fast rule.
President Truman did not order the use of nuclear weapons against
Japan. Over a decade later, President Eisenhower “predelegated”
emergency authority to certain commanders to use the nuclear weapons
under their control. (By one account, too, SAC commander Curtis LeMay
asserted in the same period that he had no intention of waiting for an
order before launching an all-out nuclear attack on the Soviet Union,
if he became aware of Soviet preparations for attack.) Following the
account in this 1975 IDA study, the origins of the tradition of
presidential command ca. 1948 and its precise legal standing are
somewhat murky. But never mind: the existing system for authorizing
nuclear use is built around this principle. And the coming of
President Trump is as good an occasion to reconsider that approach as
I care to imagine.

In the meantime, it seems wisest to avoid adding oil to this
particular deep fryer. Since the electorate has elevated someone so
manifestly unqualified for the grave responsibilities of the
presidency, not to mention uninterested in them, the safest course of
action would be to avoid unnecessarily handing him, or any equally
unfit successor, any sharp objects. I’m thinking in particular of
conventional prompt global strike weapons. When a panel organized
under the National Research Council examined CPGS options almost a
decade ago, they started from an assumption that the use of these
weapons, too, would be the exclusive prerogative of the president. If
anyone has reevaluated that idea, I haven’t seen it. But you know
what? The best time to consider command-and-control arrangements is
before any such weapons are actually acquired and deployed.

In other words, now.




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Peace Is Doable

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