[Now Donald Trump wants to get rid of the rule — a first step in his
ongoing efforts to dismantle Obama-era EPA regulations. On Tuesday, he
signed an executive order that asks new EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt
to begin the long process of repealing the rule and replacing it
with... something else.
Except here’s the catch: Rolling back this rule won’t be easy to do.
By law, Pruitt has to go through the formal federal rulemaking process
and replace Obama’s regulation with his own version — and then defend
it in court as legally superior. And, as Pruitt’s about to find out,
figuring out which bodies of water deserve protection is a maddeningly
complex task that could take years.]

http://www.vox.com/energy-and-environment/2017/2/28/14761236/wotus-waters-united-states-rule-trump

Trump has begun dismantling Obama’s EPA rules. First up: the Clean Water Rule.

Updated by Brad Plumer@[email protected]  Mar 1, 2017, 10:38am EST

Birds occupy a dilapidated pier on the Little Blackwater River October
9, 2014 in Church Creek, Maryland Photo by Mark Wilson/Getty Images

At first glance, it’s hard to see why the Clean Water Rule (also known
as the “Waters of the US rule”) inspires such fury. It’s a technical
regulation from the Environmental Protection Agency meant to clarify
which streams and wetlands fall under federal clean water protections
— a question that had been causing legal confusion for years.

But when the rule was published in June 2015, it triggered fierce
blowback from farm and industry groups across the country. “Opponents
condemn it as a massive power grab by Washington,” Politico reported,
“saying it will give bureaucrats carte blanche to swoop in and
penalize landowners every time a cow walks through a ditch.” Many of
those criticisms were overblown, but the rule was widely cited by
conservatives as a prime example of EPA overreach under President
Obama. (Note that the regulation is currently tied up in court and
hasn’t taken effect yet.)

***Now Donald Trump wants to get rid of the rule — a first step in his
ongoing efforts to dismantle Obama-era EPA regulations. On Tuesday, he
signed an executive order that asks new EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt
to begin the long process of repealing the rule and replacing it
with... something else.

Except here’s the catch: Rolling back this rule won’t be easy to do.
By law, Pruitt has to go through the formal federal rulemaking process
and replace Obama’s regulation with his own version — and then defend
it in court as legally superior. And, as Pruitt’s about to find out,
figuring out which bodies of water deserve protection is a maddeningly
complex task that could take years.*** [Emphasis added.]

What the Waters of the US rule actually does

Caught between a rock and a tributary place. (Shutterstock)
To understand this rule, we need to go back to 1972, when Congress
passed the Clean Water Act. That law features dozens of regulations
for anyone discharging pollution into the “waters of the United
States” that could affect human health or aquatic life.

For instance, under the law, a facility storing oil that could leak
needs to prepare a spill prevention plan aimed at minimizing
discharges. If the facility is far away from any “waters of the United
States,” however, it doesn’t face these requirements.

Now here’s the tricky part. The Clean Water Act doesn’t precisely
define what “waters of the United States” means. That’s left to the
EPA and the Army Corps of Engineers. And it’s a hard question! For
instance, the law is clear that major navigable rivers and lakes and
any connected waterways should be protected. But what about waterways
that are only loosely connected? What about the 60 percent of streams
that are dry for part of the year but then connect when it rains? Any
pollution dumped into those waters could affect downstream ecosystems.
Should they be regulated?

In the 2000s, this uncertainty led to a pair of Supreme Court
decisions that only ended up creating more bewilderment. In a split
decision in Rapanos v. United States in 2006, Justice Anthony Kennedy
argued that Clean Water Act protections applied to wetlands that
“significantly affect the chemical, physical, and biological integrity
of other covered waters.” But Justice Antonin Scalia argued that
protections only applied to wetlands "with a continuous surface
connection" to navigable water — a far smaller number of wetlands. And
it wasn’t totally clear which opinion took precedence.

Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia Gives Speech In Philadelphia
What’d I do? Photo by William Thomas Cain/Getty Images
"The short answer is that the state of post-Rapanos wetlands
jurisdiction is a mess," Richard Frank of the University of California
Davis told Greenwire in 2011. In the ensuing years, whenever a dispute
arose over whether a landowner needed a Clean Water Act permit or not,
courts had to resolve it on a case-by-case basis.

So, under Obama, the EPA and Army Corps of Engineers tried to bring
clarity to the matter. They sifted through more than 1,200 scientific
papers to figure out which types of bodies of water were important to
aquatic ecosystems and therefore deserved protection, per Kennedy’s
opinion.

The final Waters of the US rule, published in June 2015, outlined
which bodies of water were automatically covered by the Clean Water
Act — requiring permits for any discharge of pollution — and which
ones still needed to be dealt with on a case-by-case basis. For
instance:

In the past, tributaries of navigable rivers were evaluated on a
case-by-case basis. But under the new rule, they’re automatically
protected if they have a bed, a bank, and a high-water mark. This
includes many streams that are dry for part of the year. Waterways
without these features are still dealt with case by case.
Wetlands and ponds are now automatically covered if they’re within 100
feet or within the 100-year floodplain of a protected waterway, since
pollution in these bodies can flow elsewhere. Otherwise, it’s case by
case.
Certain “isolated” waters that are not connected to navigable waters
now get automatic protection if they have a “significant nexus” to
protected waters — like the vernal pools of California.
The rule also explicitly exempted a number of bodies of water often
found on farms, such as puddles, ditches, artificial ponds for
livestock watering, and irrigation systems that would revert to dry
land if irrigation were to stop. Here’s a graphic:


(EPA)
For its part, the EPA argued that this rule didn’t significantly
expand the waters under its jurisdiction. Rather, it created more
certainty for about 3 percent of the nation’s waterways — to avoid
bringing cases to court every time there was a legal gray area.
According to the EPA, the rule offered clearer protection to upstream
tributaries that feed into drinking water supplies for one-third of
the population.

Before the rule came out, few who worked on it expected widespread
blowback. “This rule will provide the clarity and certainty businesses
and industry need about which waters are protected by the Clean Water
Act,” Obama said when the final rule was announced. But things turned
out very differently.

Why the Waters of the US rule became so controversial
Opponents of the rule — particularly farming and ranching groups —
clearly didn’t buy the EPA’s line that this was only a technical
update. Nor were they comforted by the EPA’s exemptions for
agriculture. Instead, they called it a power grab.

“The agency is making it impossible for farmers and ranchers to look
at their land and know what can be regulated,” argues the American
Farm Bureau Federation on its site. “EPA has vastly expanded its
authority beyond the limits approved by Congress and affirmed by the
U.S. Supreme Court.”

Some Western farmers, for instance, fretted about the open, unlined
canals they use to irrigate their lands during the growing season.
These systems divert water from streams, serve as water sources for
wildlife, and can connect to larger bodies of water elsewhere. As
Reagan Waskom and David Cooper of Colorado State University explain,
farmers and ranchers feared that these canals would fall under the
rule’s definition of “tributary” and might have to be replaced by
costly pressurized pipes. Or, alternatively, that fertilizer use near
these waterways would be more strictly regulated.

California's Dams And Reservoirs Depleted By Extreme Drought
Water stands in an irrigation canal at a sod farm on August 8, 2014,
in Lodi, California. Photo by Justin Sullivan/Getty Images
Defenders of the rule dismissed these scenarios. Jon Devine, a lawyer
with the Natural Resources Defense Council, points out that the Clean
Water Act has always regulated agriculture lightly. “This rule doesn’t
really change those exemptions,” he says. Indeed, one recent study
found that the EPA’s jurisdiction over farms actually shrank under the
new rule.

The EPA was also pretty explicit that it wouldn’t target farmers. “We
will protect clean water without getting in the way of farming and
ranching,” then-EPA Administrator Gina McCarthy told the National
Farmers Union in 2015. But few farmers or ranchers believed her. Their
argument was that the rule was vague enough that the EPA could crack
down on them if it chose. It’s basically a question of trust. And at
the moment, conservatives are not particularly inclined to trust the
EPA.

Joni Ernst, a Republican senator from Iowa, made that clear in
Pruitt’s confirmation hearing. “My constituents tell me the EPA is out
to get them rather than work with them and there is a huge lack of
trust between many of my constituents and the EPA,” she said. “If we
take a look specifically at the WOTUS rule, Iowans truly feel that the
EPA ignored their comments and concerns, threw them under the rug and
then just moved forward.”

Devine argues that the small-farmer concern is a sideshow, and many
industry and agribusiness groups oppose the rule because they benefit
from the legal uncertainty the rule was designed to dispel. So long as
there’s ambiguity about where the Clean Water Act applies, it’s much
harder for citizen groups or the Department of Justice to bring a case
against companies dumping chemicals or other pollutants into smaller
bodies of water upstream.

“Without this rule, enforcement has been unpredictable,” Devine says.
“The EPA has mainly been focused on big rivers and lakes so that they
wouldn’t have to litigate to the ends of the earth about whether the
Clean Water Act applied to waters upstream. But if you can only
regulate the biggest rivers and lakes — and the pollution problem is
much further upstream — then you’re not effectively protecting the
receiving water or the watershed.”

But however the backlash started, it took on a life of its own. Donald
Trump began citing the water rule on the campaign trail as an example
of EPA overreach, earning cheers from rural audiences. And now he’s
moving to kill it entirely. In signing his executive order on Tuesday,
he called it a “destructive and horrible rule.”

Why it will be difficult — but not impossible — for Scott Pruitt to
repeal this rule
Scott Pruitt Addresses Employees At EPA Headquarters
Scott Pruitt has some long nights ahead of him. Photo by Aaron P.
Bernstein/Getty Images
Trump, however, can’t just repeal this rule through executive order.
Both the Army Corps of Engineers and Scott Pruitt’s EPA will have to
go through the federal rulemaking process to replace it. That requires
proposing a new rule that’s supported by extensive scientific and
legal arguments, opening up the proposal for public comments,
responding to those comments, and then defending the final rule in
court as a superior approach. This could take several years, at least.

What will make Pruitt’s task so difficult is that the ambiguity around
which waterways deserve Clean Water Act protection still holds even if
you repeal the Obama rule. Which wetlands are covered? How do you deal
with streams that flow part of the year? How do you interpret that
mess of a Supreme Court decision in 2006?

In his executive order today, Trump asks Pruitt to consider Scalia’s
opinion in Rapanos, which extended protection to wetlands only if they
had a “continuous surface connection" to navigable waterways and
extended protection to streams only if they were “relatively
permanent.” If Pruitt relied on this guidance, his replacement rule
would cover far fewer waterways — leaving out, for instance, the 60
percent of streams that don’t flow year-round.

Environmentalists fear that a scaled-back rule like this would give
companies much more leeway to pollute certain waterways that are
nonetheless important to wildlife and human health — and neuter the
EPA’s ability to intervene.

Still, an approach like this isn’t guaranteed to succeed. Federal
courts have typically embraced Kennedy’s more expansive interpretation
of the Clean Water Act rather than Scalia’s, and any rollback of
Obama’s rule would still leave plenty of legal gray areas where the
courts will need to decide on a case-by-case basis whether the Clean
Water Act applies. “It’s going to be incredibly complex to figure this
out,” says Richard Revesz, a professor of environmental law at New
York University.

In all likelihood, Pruitt’s new rule — if it actually gets finished
before 2020 — will end up before the Supreme Court. He’s got a tough
slog ahead of him.

Further reading:
Repealing the Clean Water rule is only step one for Trump. In the
coming days, he’s also planning to issue an executive order that would
repeal Obama’s signature climate policy, the Clean Power Plan. Read
here for more on how he might do that.
Earlier this month, Trump also repealed a rule restricting coal
companies from dumping their waste in streams. Note that this was one
of the few Obama-era rules that Congress could easily kill through the
Congressional Review Act. Rewriting the water rule will have to be
done through executive action, and is hence much harder.


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Peace Is Doable

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